Six Peaks Speak 2

Update 2, FEBRUARY 2023

I’m penning this second, brief reflective monthly update on my Six Peaks Speak Fellowship in late February just before I head off for two long and challenging bushwalks during March. I will return in late March to my previous pattern of local research, field visits, weekly visits to Melbourne accessing resources in the State Library Victoria (SLV) and also the Public Records Office (PROV), meaning that I won’t pen my third update until late April 2023.

What I’ve done & seen, who I’ve met …

Most of the ‘simple’ library searches at SLV and PROV, using the names of the mountains and nearby places and landmarks as key search terms, are now exhausted. I’ve downloaded files and taken photos of lots of original documents (reports, maps, newspaper articles, correspondence) and filed them by peak name, summarising and linking the information using OneNote. The collected hard copies collected are now in six bulging files, which if stacked would be around a half metre high. A seventh file includes ‘general’ material of some relevance to all of the peaks, including resource indexes, theoretical perspectives, research and search methodologies, plus writing and book publishing options.

On days when the recent summer heat has backed off slightly, I’ve done exploratory on-ground field work including climbing Mount Tarrengower (three trips), Mount Beckworth (two trips), Mount Franklin and Mount Alexander (one trip each). Weather willing, more targeted field trips will resume in April inclusive also of Mount Greenock and Mount Kooroocheang. I have identified local informants for targeted, further ground exploration on Mounts Beckworth, Alexander and Franklin. Two public Peak Walks under the auspices of the Great Dividing Trail Association (GDTA) are now locked into the GDTA walk calender for 25 June (on Mount Beckworth) and 27 August (on Mount Alexander). 

I have also penned an outline for a ‘Six Peaks Peek’ on ground activity designed to introduce the public to all six peaks, either on one huge day, or more likely (for most people) over two full days with an overnight stop at the foot of Tarrengower in Maldon. The activity could either be guided or self-guided. In order to ‘field test’ the idea, I’ve tentatively proposed a Great Dividing Trail Association members’ ‘by invitation’, one day ‘Sunrise to Sunset’ reconnaissance tour commencing at my place in Kingston at 6.30am on Sunday 23 April.

This month I met in Bendigo with representatives of DJAARA, the registered Dja Dja Wurrung traditional owner group entity. Harley Dunolly-Lee, a PhD scholar, Dja Dja Wurrung descendant and also Project Officer, Language Repatriation at DJAARA, has helped to unravel the meaning behind some of the poorly documented original peak names. Harley’s generous contribution is acknowledged as ‘personal communication’ in the peak summaries later in this update. I plan during 2023 to progressively give the original First Nations names precedence.

This month I’ve made useful contact with most of the historical societies and museum adjacent to the peaks, and already made productive visits to those located in Daylesford, Guildford and Maldon. During April, I have made plans to visit like organisations in Newstead, Castlemaine, Clunes, Creswick and Talbot.

I’ve made contact with the Parks Victoria Rangers responsible for all five peaks which lie within public reserves, via the Parks offices located in Sawpit Gully, Creswick (responsible for the management of Mount Franklin and Mount Beckworth), in Castlemaine (responsible for both Mount Tarrengower & Mount Alexander) and Inglewood (responsible for Mount Greenock).

My next search strategy will be to focus on documentary evidence of the emergent enumerated themes (that follow): at SLV, at PROV and also online, which are illustrative of these themes.

Serendipity continues to be important vector in my learning. By absolute chance, during a reconnaissance visit to the Mount Beckworth summit I met Leslie Scott, author of a recent book, Once were wild about her interactions with wild brumbies on the flanks of Mount Beckworth. Aside from showing me several springs, Leslie was able to guide me to a remarkable and new (for me) copse of cork oaks within the southernmost extension of the pine plantation.

This month I accidentally discovered the State Library Staff Lounge on Level 6. As the lift opened to the lounge, I was confronted by a refrigerated and illuminated drinks cabinet boasting ‘Mount Franklin’ bottled water. The back story of how the drinks cabinet made its way to Level 6 in the upper bowels of the State Library won’t be in my book. But the story of how an ancient mound spring and nearby volcanic crater on Dja Dja Wurrung Country were both renamed expropriated to become national icon for an American multinational beverage company surely will.

So how has my plan evolved?

I have become aware of three ‘big picture’ insights, common themes and generalities from the Six Peaks research I’ve conducted so far. First, while each of the six peaks is distinct and different, the five peaks which remain publicly owned today were belatedly ‘saved’ as reserves by virtue of their early designation as ‘Town Commons’ for their nearby mining communities. This meant that whilst ‘reserved’ as public Commons, they were unfenced and subject to heavy, prolonged and largely uncontrolled exploitation: for grazing, timber and firewood removal, and in the case of two granite peaks, one or more of quarrying, gold mining or sand extraction.

Second, all of these Commons, later to become Reserves, were subject to almost a century of political and environmental pressure from local (and particularly from adjacent) private landholders seeking their alienation, or an opportunity to lease public land in order to extend their holdings. Third, the intensity of this exploitation was greatest for peaks with rapacious mining underground communities on their flanks. Tarrengower is the prime example. Not a stick of timber was left on the peak by around 1870. And Maldon, ironically, became Australia’s first notable heritage town.

In order to avoid repetition of themes, I propose to introduce each peak in turn, emphasising the most distinctive features summarised under just four to five ‘themes’ for each peak. My short list of emergent theme headings for each peak are enumerated below. While some of these themes are common and will apply to other peaks, they will be dealt with (and extrapolated where appropriate) when first introduced.

At this early stage I propose to introduce the peaks in a clockwise order in the order below, commencing with the only privately owned peak Gurutjanga, whose anglicised First Nations name has been ‘Kooroocheang’. While unique and imposing, looming 200m above its surrounds, the volcanic peak is broadly illustrative of the many issues associated with heritage management of the 400 other volcanic centres (with 700 eruption points), almost all in private ownership within the Newer Volcanic Province. As Costermans and VanDenBerg emphasise in their remarkable Stories beneath our feet (2022, p.426) book, this Volcanic Province is distinctive even by world standards.

Gurutjanga / Mount Kooroocheang

Gurutjanga / Gurutjang = ‘spring of brolga’ (Dunolly-Lee, pers. comm. 9 Feb 2023, needs further research)

Emergent themes:

  1. At Contact: Ceremony & Ovens in Southern Dja Dja Wurrung Country
  2. The uncomfortable legacy of unsettling: John Hepburn as a case study
  3. Towers, memorials & interpretation
  4. Heritage dilemmas on private land.

Nyaninuk / Mount Beckworth

Nyaninuk (‘his, her, it’s back of the neck, nape’), referring to the mountain’s back of the neck: Dunolly-Lee, pers. comm., 9 Feb 2023)

Emergent themes:

  1. Attempts at alienation: the Seeger case study
  2. Exotics as heritage (Aleppo pine, Cork oak plantations, Radiata Pine)
  3. Sand mining, orchids and birds since the 1950s
  4. Rock climbing & bouldering since 1980 (also at Mt Alexander).

The Crown files available from Mount Beckworth include copious evidence of attempted private alienation. The file of correspondence from the Danish born Leberecht Seeger and wife Annie [Lyons] Seeger and their attempt over several decades to secure land from the Crown on the NE of the current reserve, including for their ill-fated daughter, Sophia, provides an potentially excellent case study.

Durt Burnayi / Mount Greenock 

Durt Burnayi (durt = star, burnayi = young women: Dunolly-Lee, pers. comm., 9 Feb 2023)

Emergent themes:

  1. The geological legacy and the carefully managed ‘mammaloid’ hills
  2. Australia Felix and the uncomfortable Mitchell legacy
  3. The contested Talbot Common
  4. Mining legacy of the Greenock Deep Leads.

Dharrang Gauwa / Mount Tarrengower

Dharrang Gauwa (‘big rough mountain’; Dunolly-Lee, pers. comm 2023)

Emergent themes:

  1. The Liarga bulluk Clan / Tarrang tribe and the Raffaello Carboni / Gilburnia / Jerrbung connection
  2. The 1840-1 Neereman Aboriginal Protectorate nearby
  3. The early loss of trees and the recent arrival of Wheel Cactus
  4. Fire spotting and towers on Tarrengower.
  5. The heritage, environmental & community legacy of colonisation and gold.

Liyanganuk Banyul / Mount Alexander

Harley Dunolly Lee provided a copy of a Mount Alexander Report that he undertook on behalf of the Mount Alexander Shire concerning the place name of Liyanyuk Banyul/ Liyanganyuk Banyul ‘Mount Alexander’. Harley notes (pers. comm., 2023) that ‘The community have not chosen an official name but the report looks at all available evidence on the name for this place’. Harleys’ suggestion is to ‘meantime include all variants because Dja Dja Wurrung old people were multilingual and each clan had their dialect and word for specific places’.

Emergent themes:

  1. Harcourt granite quarrying sites on the mountain from the 1860s
  2. Women’s sericulture (silk plantations) in the mid 1870s
  3. Ill -fated Koala Parks
  4. The value of peaks as refugia (Ballantinia: Shepherds Purse case study)
  5. Walking and mountain bike track construction & use in the past three decades.

Lalkambuk / Mount Franklin

Lalkambuk (‘split head’) mountain; Larni Barramul crater (‘home, nest of the emu’: both Dunolly-Lee, pers. comm., 9 Feb 2023)

Emergent themes:

  1. Site of Ceremony
  2. The legacy of the Franklinford Aboriginal Protectorate
  3. The politics of naming: Jim Crow & John Franklin
  4. The legacy of Springs: The Mill Stream & Limestone Spring & Coca Cola
  5. Why are we privileging pines?

The ‘Oval’ Beneath the six peaks: The volcanic plains and woodlands

Emergent themes:

  1. Dja Dja Wurrung people, population, Clans and language
  2. It’s all about the rocks …
  3. The Bacchus Marsh Formation fluvio-glacials & First Nations quarries
  4. Interlocking ecosystems and ecotones.

While it’s ‘all about the rocks’, none of this is yet set in stone. As always, I welcome feedback, comment and suggestions to about ways of improving on and enhancing this project plan, just two months into one year of research and writing.

I acknowledge that this project is an outcome of a generous State Library Victoria Fellowship

Six Peaks Speak 1

Four Week Reflective update on my State Library Victoria Fellowship to 27 January 2023

One month into 2023 and it’s time for me to reflect and take stock. I’m penning what follows for several good reasons. Firstly, it helps me keep track and record progress and think about ‘where to next’. Second, it helps inform the many stakeholders in this Six Peaks Speak research and writing project who are keen to advise and assist me about where some of the the missing bits or ‘lacunae’ currently are.

In case you’re not familiar with the Six Peaks Speak Project, you’ll find my ‘big picture’ plan for the State Library Victoria Fellowship during 2023 at

If after reading this update you have ideas and suggestions in relation to any other the six peaks, please contact me!

Two days each week during January I’ve spent ferreting through whatever resources come to the surface, by searching the names and obvious thematic connections to the six mountains (Kooroocheang, Beckworth, Greenock, Tarrengower, Alexander, Franklin), mainly in the State Library Victoria (SLV) collection but also the Public Records Office of Victoria (PROV) in North Melbourne.

I’ve also accessed the available historic Crown files for the five mountains surrounded by public reserves. These files are mostly held in the Ballarat ‘Glass House’ and Epsom (Bendigo) regional land manager’s offices. And I’ve put out feelers to eight local historical societies and people with a local knowledge of and interest in each of the Peaks, including the Dja Dja Wurrung traditional owners.

Importantly, I’ve also had time to think while travelling up and down to Melbourne on the train, and particularly riding my bicycle and walking along quiet backroads in the vicinity of the two Peaks closest to home, Mounts Beckworth and Kooroocheang. In the process, I’ve sought distant lines of sight from elevated spots along the way to the other four peaks, Franklin, Tarrengower, Greenock and Alexander. In the process, I’ve come up with tentative new ideas for introducing others to each of the six Peaks.

I penned this reflective note offline in the Top Deck Lounge of the Spirit of Tasmania in Bass Strait heading north for home via Geelong. Being at sea without the internet, my notes or my usual references was actually quite liberating. I’m reminded of one of the 1850s Eureka Rebellion heroes, Raefello Carboni who began penning his Italian opera, Gilburnia, inspired in part by his First Nations experiences near Mount Tarrengower in Dja Dja Wurrung Country. It was amongst the flying fish in the Bay of Bengal on the way back to Italy that Carboni’s acknowledged that his ideas for the opera actually started to take shape. There were no flying fish in Bass Strait.

Getting my head around the practicalities of searching for and extracting original records, as well as sifting through and storing the evidence I’ve collected, including via online searches, have been challenging. Given it takes at least 4.5 hours of travel each day from home in southern Dja Dja Wurrung Country to and from Melbourne, working out efficient ways of preordering and accessing resources via libraries and archives online was an essential first hurdle. So too was starting to understand the vagaries of the rabbit warren of offices and collections that comprises SLV, and also the rules and regulations for safe handling that underpin original document accessibility.

At this early stage, my search strategy is deliberately wide. While I know several mountains and their crosscutting themes, particularly Franklin and Kooroocheang pretty well already, others, particularly Tarrengower and Beckworth, are much less well known to me, and the Crown files available to me are far from complete. As might be anticipated, some leads have proved fruitless. Others, like the 1870s photo of old growth eucalyptus forest within the Larnibarramul Crater (at Mt Franklin) and the PROV file about the former Victorian Ladies Sericultural [silkworm] Association reserves in Mount Alexander, are serendipitous, highly informative and insightful.

Beyond the uneven and inevitably patchy evidence that is emerging about each of the mountains themselves, there is the important question of what is of interest and importance to me and also to prospective readers. How might others use my book to gain new insights and to explore more? How might the evidence I find be ordered and presented? Why am I interested in peaks? What is distinctive about each peak? What should I put in and to leave out? Whose story and voice is more important? In what circumstances should the narrative become autoethnographic? What is different about my book and other product dissemination strategies that has not already been attempted?

I have had several timely and important practical breakthroughs. Procuring and setting up a laptop after eight years in ‘retiremen’t without one (I’ve previously used an iPad when on the move) was made easier with advice from our son, Karri. So too was the usefulness of the OneNote application made clear via sound advice from our daughter, Tanja. The wisdom and experience of Sarah, my SLV mentor librarian has gently and ably steered me to several new and positive sources, places and in new directions.

Aside from copying, note taking and transcribing, I have taken lots of photos on my phone and scanned images of original documents, maps and historic photographs. I sense that these images have the potential to lift’ and illuminate my book as well as critically inform the historical narrative. Photos and maps in particular have the potential to subvert the dominant paradigm about what the country was like as well as how and why it has changed. In a similar way that Von Guerard’s painting of Tower Hill helped restore and revegetate the iconic crater, there is the potential for images and maps of all peaks in this project to reshape the way we perceive, revegetate and acknowledge First Nations people’s Voice and ongoing contributions to our own peaks and landscapes. Importantly, they will also point to better and more sustainable ways of managing them, inclusive of First Nations values, interests and imperatives.

So what do I know or perceive after one month of researching that is new or different from what I originally proposed? First, I have become acutely aware that the six peaks I have chosen to feature circumscribe a broad and relatively fertile oval, volcanic plain, previously grassland or woodland, and that what has happened within the oval below the peaks is also an important, relevant and interesting part of my narrative. Second, there are at least a dozen other secondary peaks within ‘the oval’ whose presence in the landscape might also form part of the story. The oval and these secondary peaks might sit in a separate additional book chapter, and provide waypoints relevant to my book’s invitation for people to come and explore and make sense of the remarkable area themselves.

What follows summarises how I anticipate each Peak Chapter might be shaped and the order they might be introduced, moving in an anti clockwise direction around the oval commencing with Kooroocheang.

Kooroocheang is qualitatively different to the other five peaks. Being in private ownership it is much less well known or interpreted. Its physical presence, status and importance as a Dja Dja Wurrung ceremonial site encircled by nearby oven mounds and the swift and brutal nature of dispossession and unsettling by John Hepburn and others will lie at the heart of the Kooroocheang narrative. This chapter will paint a picture of and emphasise the disconnect between what was a diverse, productive and complex ecotone (juxtaposition of different ecosystems) in Southern Dja Dja Wurrung Country, inclusive of the uncomfortable and unsettling legacy of Hepburn.

Mount Franklin’s story which will follow is tragic on a number of levels. It is a narrative about loss of a classic and relatively young volcanic crater, its flanks and crater stripped bare, commencing with loss of its original status as a First Nations gathering and ceremonial site, the development and demise of the genocidal Aboriginal Protectorate on its flanks following Alexander Mollison’s brief unsettling, the creation of a Town Common, the loss of a nearby unique and ancient Mineral Spring, and the recent invention of Mount Franklin as an iconic Australian brand once the spring had been destroyed.

The loss of Mount Franklin’s original vegetation will be about ‘death by a thousand cuts’, from grazing, timber removal, wildfire and rabbit infestation, to the final 1950s Forest Commission indignity: being totally and deliberately replaced by exotics including pines. Being high, like several other peaks in the set, Franklin also has communications and fire spotting towers on the summit.

Mount Alexander, with its similarly rich First Nations connections, unlike its nearby, eponymous, incredibly rich gold diggings, was relatively fortunate to be spared the indignity of mining, only to be completely cleared of trees for fuel and mine timbering by the 1870s. Over the next century it was a dogged battle, initially between local farmers using it as a Common for grazing and timber removal, granite quarrying in at least eight sites, pine and other plantations, attempts by an 1870s women’s collective to create a sericultural (silk) industry, and later land managers attempting to encourage alienation, grazing or palm it off to other government agencies. More recently, the mountain has become a tourist destination for an ill fated koala park, bushwalking and rock climbing, with its highest point now bristling with communication and other towers.

Mount Tarrengower I plan to link by physical and historical association to the nearby Neereman Aboriginal Protectorate on the Loddon, a largely untold story of colonial folly which preceded the better known Protectorate story near Mount Franklin. Tarrengower I know less about, mainly because the land manager file in Epsom is only partial and recent. I’m planning on leveraging next off local and district long time friends and experts. Peter Skilbeck lives nearby at Joyces Creek and knows heaps from his summer fire spotter experiences on the summit for 26 years until 2022. I’ll also tap into the deep local knowledge of mining archaeologist and friend, David Bannear about the associated Tarrengower diggings. Similarly, Clive Willman, a friend and geologist knows lots about the mountain and its very ancient history. I do know the steep road up to the summit intimately, from riding to the top on a bicycle, but there is a lot more to learn, as for all the Peaks, from discovery on ground and on Country with local experts.

Mount Greenock is in the six peak set largely by virtue of its serendipitous history. Major Thomas Mitchell stood on and renamed the summit in 1836 as he waxed lyrical about his ‘discovery’ of a well managed Aboriginal grassland he took to be a biblical and unpeopled biblical Eden and called it ‘Australia Felix’. The volcanic mountain and breached crater straddles a once rich deep lead which was mined for gold into the 1900s, and later became a Town Common for Talbot and District. Fast forward to the present day Geological Reserve, appallingly managed largely in the vested interests of local cattle graziers. By virtue of all these associations, the evidence base about Greenock and the former township of Dunach on its flanks is relatively extensive.

Finally, Mount Beckworth whose distinctive lollypop tree (Aleppo Pine) in its summit tells its own story and tale of survival, on a weathered granitic range also subject over decades to licensed and unlicensed grazing, tree and woodland removal, wildfire and rabbits, extensive mining of its sand aprons, and numerous attempts at private alienation. In the process, bird observers and orchid lovers aware of the peak’s many other values resisted many of these incursions.

Originally renamed by Mitchell as he passed by, the Mount Beckworth peak and area also lost its original trees to service the nearby Clunes Goldfields mines and boilers from the 1850s. More recently, the mountain and particularly its relatively low granite cliffs and boulders have quietly become regionally important for rock climbers, walkers and picnickers. As with Tarregower, the available Crown files forMount Beckworth are relatively thin and recent. Thus much effort will go during February into finding local people in the Clunes area who know and love and enjoy the mountain and its former community and settlement of Glendaruel on its southern flanks.

My intention is to pen a second update in late February, just before I disappear, mostly ‘off the radar’ for a month until resuming work on the Fellowship from 27 March. First, I head to Tasmania with friends for an 85km, 8 day backpack walk along Tasmania’s remote south coast. This will be followed soon after by walking the 260km Great South West Walk in far western Victoria. It’s a symphony in four natural acts: the Cobboboonee forest behind Portland, the languid lower Glenelg River, the wild sandy beaches east of Nelson along Bridgwater Bay, and the rugged coast around several capes back into Portland.

Loddon Aboriginal Protectorate Legacy

Loddon Aboriginal Protectorate Legacy

Barry Golding

24 October 2022

These notes are in two parts. The first 2,000 words, headed ‘1840s Aboriginal Protectorate Walk Notes’ provide interpretive notes for walkers who register for the Great Dividing Trail Association’s (GDTA) Members or Public Walks around the Franklinford Township during November 2022. They will also be also useful for anyone embarking on the ‘1840s Aboriginal Protectorate’ self-guided Walk Number 11, pp.34-35, published in 2021 GDTA ‘Walk and Ride Circuits’ guide. Localities marked on the map in the Circuits guide (p.35) are shown in bold.

The second part headed ‘The Evidence Base: Loddon Aboriginal Protectorate History’ (8,000 words) includes the lesser known back story of the foundation of Neereman Aboriginal Protectorate on the Loddon River in 1840, which preceded its relocation to the Franklinford site by mid 1841, operating on its new site until Protectorates were abolished in late 1849.

As with all of my work, I look forward to critical comment, including telling me what I may have got wrong.

1840s Aboriginal Protectorate Walk Notes

Whilst the GDTA guided walks on November 12 & 13 in 2022 follow the marked 6.2 km route in this guide, the longer member’s walk route on 12 November adds a 5 km (approx.) extension incorporating access (with one off permission) across Eric and Joy Sartori’s private property, ‘Truro’ including along part of Larnibarramul yaluk (formerly Jim Crow Creek) with an historic weir from the 1930s. The interpretive notes for this additional loop beyond the Franklinford Cemetery (which cuts out the section along Ligar Street) follow the main notes.

Clarkes Pool on Larni barramul yaluk is a delightful and picturesque pool on a tight bend of a billabong in the creek within the Franklinford Streamside Reserve. It was formally surveyed in the 1990s as an important Aboriginal site. The late Frank Powell from Mount Franklin wrote in the late 1960s that this ‘billabong on Jim Crow Creek at Franklinford … was a known corroboree site’. There is a detailed account of an Aboriginal Corroboree held in Franklinford in November 1843 though its exact location is not specified.

The bitumen access road down to the Streamside Reserve is via Clarkes Road, which heads SW from the main Franklinford intersection until it veers south, becoming gravel as it crosses the top of the very tight meander, with steep drops to the creek on either side, before ending at a parking area beside the billabong pool under the ancient River Red Gums short of a disused road bridge. 

In summer, if the water is flowing gently this is a delightful, popular and safe place to picnic and swim. Platypus have been sighed in the pool. Clarke’s Pool has been featured as the backdrop to several videos produced by Hepburn Shire with the Dja Dja Wurrung traditional owners as part of the community consultation process leading to the creek’s formal renaming during 2022.

The first part of the walk leads back along Clarke’s Road. Franklin Ford, marked in the GDTA guide to the south of the gravel road, was the original crossing point on the creek for an 1840s road that originally led from the Protectorate station south west through the forest via a bridle track to John Hepburn’s run. The ford is visible as a basalt pavement in the creek off the road easement.

The walk route turns left into the Franklinford Cemetery along Cemetery Road. Immediately to the left there is a grassy track that leads down to Thomas’ Spring. The fact that this public freshwater spring runs all year round and fills the pool in even the driest seasons was one of several features which made the Franklinford site attractive as an alternative Protectorate site in 1841. You will notice the grey basalt rocks around the pool are stained with a white precipitate, indicative of high calcium carbonate levels in the water and some possible association with a mineral spring at depth. The pool is often fringed with the floating aquatic plant, Water Cress (Nasturtium officinale), one of the oldest known edible leaf vegetables native to Europe and Asia, with a distinctive piquant taste.

Cemetery Road cuts out at the Franklinford Cemetery. If you walk into the Cemetery along the paths between the old and more recent graves towards the back of the cemetery, you will come across a much older cemetery on a different alignment enclosed within the larger and more recently surveyed cemetery. The boundaries of the older rectangular Protectorate era cemetery (first surveyed in 1843, but where several burials took place earlier) are marked by a low ditch. The four corners of the older cemetery are marked with wrought iron corner posts and native trees, thoughtfully selected by the late local historian Edgar Morrison during the late 1970s and planted ‘by four visiting Aborigines’. The most prominent marked gravestones in this area commemorate Assistant Protector Edward Parker, his first wife Mary, his second wife Hannah, some of their children and their extended family. PRACTICAL NOTE: This picturesque and historic public cemetery is the only place along the walk route with a (basic) toilet.

The original cemetery records and the mostly wooden original grave markers were lost long ago in a bush fire. As a consequence, it is impossible to know how many people were buried here inclusive of the Aboriginal Protectorate, Aboriginal Station and Aboriginal School eras between 1841 and 1864. Given the hundreds of Aboriginal people and White who lived and died in the area during that interval, the actual number of unmarked burials in this historically significant site is likely to be large. Because the area has been fenced from stock and also regularly and lightly burnt, the cemetery area retains many significant volcanic grassland and woodland species otherwise missing in the surrounding privately owned and intensively grazed paddocks.

The self-guided walk route in the booklet heads back to Cemetery Road and up the grassy and largely disused Ligar Street, named after surveyor, soldier and grazier Charles Whybrow Ligar (1811-1881). Whybrow Street to the east is similarly ‘a nod ‘to Ligar, who became surveyor general in Victoria in 1858 following 15 years working as New Zealand surveyor general. At one time, Ligar and his family invested heavily in livestock. With partners, at one stage Ligar was lessee of three million acres (1,214,070 ha) in the Riverina.

If you to the south from the top of Ligar Street you will get a good view over the paddock south of Clarke’s Road (which includes the marked ‘Aboriginal School Site’. This paddock was the epicentre of the Franklinford Protectorate settlement for over two decades from 1841. If you look towards the southern horizon towards Wombat Hill above Daylesford, and the western horizon you will get some sense that the relatively fertile volcanic soils of the inner main Protectorate area set aside for cultivation (radius one mile) was then conveniently protected, surrounded and bounded (as now) on most sides of the five mile (8km) Protectorate radius by forested land on the older shales. This forested area then deemed  as ‘unsuitable for stations’ by Parker, was nominally preserved for Aboriginal hunting within the Protectorate.

TAKE CARE turning right into the relatively busy Hepburn-Newstead Road. For safety, walk well off the road edge before walking east along Stuart Street *** to the marked ‘Former Franklinford Store’ on the street corner, now a private house. Mary Parker’s sister, Charlotte, was in transit to Australia when Mary died. Charlotte stayed on and married Mr W. Bumstead, later operating the Franklinford Store. A Post Office operated in Franklinford for 110 years from 1859 to 1969.

Walk to the marked stone ‘Monument’ southeast of the intersection, acknowledging Edward Parker’s contribution to the Aboriginal Protectorate. An explanation from Edgar Morrison of the symbolism he built into the Parker Memorial Cairn (unveiled in 1965) incorporating carefully chosen rocks was published in Morrison’s Frontier Life (1967, p.v) booklet, as summarised below. 

The base of the monument incorporates rocks taken from an early settlers home, which Morrison took to symbolise ‘the sturdy endurance of the district pioneers’. The body of the cairn comprises ‘volcanic boulders from the site of the Aboriginal Station’ as well as some ‘dressed pumice which formed part of the chimney of Mr Parker’s later station homestead on the western slope of Mount Franklin’, embodying what Parker took to be ‘the influences of hearth and home and [Parker’s] devotion to aboriginal welfare and education’. 

Morrison symbolically incorporated stones of ‘special significance’ into the three sides of the cairn. To the south, are hand-made bricks in the form of a cross, symbolising Parker’s ‘spiritual aspirations’. On the west are stones from the old Tarrengower Station founded by Lauchlan McKinnon, frequently visited by Parker, perceived to symbolise Parker’s ‘cordial relationships with neighbouring settlers’. The eastern aspect incorporates a white quartz rock whose whiteness ‘may remind us of the high reputation’ which Morrison suggested Parker ‘earned in every situation’.

Behind the monument you will see a sign with ‘Larnebarramul: Home of the Emu’ supported by an axle erected by the late Edgar Morrison. This and several similar metal signs and markers we see on this walk were officially opened at a celebratory Field Day in 1968. First Nations people invited included Ivy Sampson, daughter of Thomas Dunolly (a former schoolboy at the Aboriginal School) and the late Pastor Doug Nichols.

Standing at the Monument intersection, if you were to take a ‘helicopter view’ you are at the centre of a township laid out in the shape of a Union Jack. Early survey maps of Franklinford township included not only the main existing cross roads which run on the diagonals, but also a network of back streets running east-west and north-south, bounded by South, East and North Streets. Many of these named suburban streets, some lined by stone fences, are now disused or incorporated into surrounding properties.

The marked walk includes a ‘dog leg’, SE down (and back) Powell Connection Road towards the ‘Seat Under Pines’ opposite Larnebarramul Lagoon. This is a busy road: walk well off the road with care. In the 1840s this was the main road to Melbourne to the north of Mount Franklin via present day Glenlyon.

On the south side of Powell Connection Road, look out for a metal sign erected to mark where Edgar Morrison believed the Aboriginal Protectorate Station buildings were located. David Rhodes’ 1997 survey and report confirms that while the sign overlooks the actual site below in the far distance, it does not mark the site itself. If you look over the forest to the west, in the distance you will see the outline of the now bald Mount Kooroocheang.

The paddock that includes the lagoon opposite the roadside seat is private property. Do not enter the paddock. The late Frank Powell noted that what he called ‘Strawhorn Lagoon’ in 1967 was a ‘known corroboree site’. David Rhodes’ survey identified and recorded several significant pre- and post-contact Aboriginal sites around this lagoon. Several of the huge Red Gum trees nearby include evidence of ancient strap grafting preserved in their upper branches, as well as pre- and pos- contact habitation spaces within their burnt out trunks.

Walk back along the side of Powell Connection Road, then walk down a steep minor road that trends west before the marked ‘Former Church’, then head south with care along the side of busy Hepburn Newstead Road, turning right (west) along South Street to the marked ‘Aboriginal School Site’. The sign including the outline of a symbolic school bell reads ‘Aboriginal School Site 1849/1864’. The paddock behind the sign is where most of the original Protectorate buildings were clustered including what became the Aboriginal School. The foundations on main site and school approximates a clump of ancient Robinia (Black Locust) trees approximately 100 metres inside the paddock. Do not enter the paddock.

Additional GDTA Member’s Walk Notes (NB: private property, no entry without permission)

Beyond the Franklinford Cemetery on the GDTA members walk on 12 Nov 2022 (see notes above ***), we walk west following a disused (and sometimes boggy) gated laneway across private grazing property. The laneway is lined in places by collapsing historic stone walls. This was one of the early, once busy goldfields-era roads which would have provided access to and beyond Larni barramul yaluk to the German Gully goldfields to the south west and on through the bush to Kooroocheang.

At the creek we turn north along the east bank, initially following a combination of cattle tracks and goldfields era water races. After a few hundred metres we come to a still intact Weir across the creek. The weir and an associated large channel heading north along the eastern bank were constructed with Sustenance (‘Susso’) labour during the 1930s Depression, taking water all the way north to Newstead. The water system was abandoned by 1980s.

Heading north we pass an outcrop of columnar basalt. The vertical columns run perpendicular to the upper and bottom horizontal cooling surfaces, formed by shrinkage as the basalt flow slowly cooled. Nearby are the eroding mullock heap of a deep lead mine, which originally included tunnels that would have tapped into the gold bearing gravels beneath the basalt flow.

The farm road leaves the creek and heads east up the hill past Eric and Joy Sartori’s orchard and farmhouse along a steep gravel road. Please respect their privacy. As you walk up the hill you get excellent views back down the creek valley. From the top of the hill several peaks come into view including nearby Larnebarramul / Mount Franklin to the east, and in the distance to the north, Tarrengower and Leanganook / Mount Alexander.

Where Sartori Road meets the marked, busy, bitumen Hepburn – Newstead Road, turn right and walk safely on the roadside, NOT going south down marked Ligar Street as in the GDTA booklet, but rejoining the marked walk, interpreted by the notes, above ***, by heading east along Stuart Street.


The Evidence Base: Loddon Aboriginal Protectorate History

The history of first contact in southern Dja Dja Wurrung Country has traditionally tended to focus either on a heroic narrative about a small number of White male ‘explorers’ and squatters conquering and ‘settling’ a hostile environment, or the frenetic pace of change during the many gold rushes from the 1850s. 

This account of what happened before 1850 is more unsettling. It focuses on a government intervention that sought to coerce and remove First Nations peoples from Country in the Port Philip Colony during the 1840s and concentrate them in small ‘Aboriginal Protectorates’ for their own safety. The plan was to create four Aboriginal enclaves five miles in radius, not only for Aboriginal peoples’ own protection away from widespread squatter violence, but also as a way of expediting the White ‘settlement’ process.

Unbeknown to many present day residents, present day Neereman (north of Baringhup, in the Mount Alexander Shire) and Franklinford (north of Daylesford, in the Hepburn Shire) were epicentres of an Aboriginal Protectorate ostensibly designed to cover what is now north western Victoria during the 1840s,then defined as ‘the Mount Macedon area and country northwards’.

What follows relies heavily on candid accounts from the personal diaries of the ‘Chief Protector’ George Augustus Robinson, as well from ‘Assistant Protector’ Edward Stone Parker, who was responsible for the establishment of Protectorates on both sites. It is supplemented by other information from Edgar Morrison’s three booklets, David Rhodes’ 1995 on ground historical and archaeological investigation, supplemented by original Protectorate records. 

In brief, Parker initially set up his Protectorate at Neura Mong (literally ‘hide here’ in Dja Dja Wurrung language, today’s Neereman) on the Loddon River 6 km north of Baringhup in October 1840. He relocated it to the better known Protectorate west of Mount Franklin on Larnibarramul yaluk (previously known as ‘Jim Crow Creek’) in June 1841.

This section focuses mainly on the evidence and back stories behind Parker’s establishment of both the initial Neura Mong / Loddon Aboriginal Protectorate and the relocated Mount Franklin Protectorate that operated in the area within a 5 mile (8km) radius circle of present day Franklinford from June 1841 to the end of 1849. 

This account includes only brief mention of the later temporary Aboriginal Reserve, the Mount Franklin Aboriginal Station of 640 acres established at the foot of Mount Franklin in 1852 where Edward Parker acted as a Guardian of Aborigines, built a house and where several Aboriginal people farmed. In 1864 the Aboriginal School operating on the former Protectorate site at Franklinford was closed and the remaining Aboriginal people living on the Station were removed to the Aboriginal Station at Coranderrk near Healesville. When it also in closed in 1924, many Dja Dja Wurrung descendants were moved on to Lake Tyers Mission.

The Back Story of the Aboriginal Protectorate System

Turning the clock back to 1837, a British Committee of Inquiry into the Condition of Aboriginal Peoples set up in the wake of the previous shameful treatment of and armed resistance from First Nations peoples in Van Diemen’s Land, recommended a Protectorate System be attempted in mainland Australia, confined initially to the Port Philip District. The system was premised on the refusal of the British Government to recognise prior ownership of Australia by First Nations peoples.

Four Assistant Protectors were recruited from England and appointed in December 1837. None had been to Australia before, all had previously been schoolmasters and none had ever met Aboriginal people. Edward Parker had been earlier been apprenticed as a printer, then had to give up candidacy as a Methodist Minister when he violated the condition for ministerial candidates by marrying. The Assistant Protectors arrived in Sydney in August 1838, but because of administrative delays did not reach Melbourne until 3 January 1839. For the first few weeks they were camping in tents with their families (including their wives and a total of 22 children) on the Yarra River a mile out of Melbourne with no definite instructions. 

On 27 Feb 1839 they met the Chief Protector, George Augustus Robinson, appointed on the basis of his ‘success’, previously employed to cajole, deceive, remove and concentrate most First Nations Tasmanians to Flinders Island during the 1830s. Robinson appears, from his frank and critical diary entries, to have been instantly underwhelmed by and intolerant of the four men that were to be in his charge. His particular and ongoing dislike of Assistant Protector Edward Parker, who by March 1839 had been allocated to ‘the area around Mount Macedon … and the country to the northward and eastward’, saturates many of the accounts cited in this account taken from Robinson’s personal diaries.

For context, by March 1839, John Hepburn and family had been on southern Dja Dja Wurrung country for almost a year and had established a sheep station at the foot of Mount Kooroocheang to the west of the Larni barramul (‘home of the emu’) crater, today’s Mount Franklin. Mollison was by then firmly established in the Kyneton area and Ebden was at Carlsruhe north of Woodend. Many other ‘unsettlers’ had come overland from Sydney following Major Mitchell’s 1836 ‘Line’. By 1839 they had ‘taken up’ (forcefully and violently seized) much of southern Dja Dja Wurrung Country, and other squatters had pushed north through Wadawurrung Country over the Great Dividing Range into some of the most fertile and densely settled inland First Nations estates in Australia.

Understandably, there was resistance to forced removal from Country by the traditional owners in the process of setting up ‘runs’, including by John Hepburn on the Smeaton Hill run. George Robinson first mentions ‘Captain Hepburn’ in his diary whilst in Melbourne on 15 March 1839, writing that Reverend Gill, the first Anglican Minister in Melbourne, had told him that Hepburn said that ‘… the blacks had frequently attacked his station, generally in his absence. Said the natives had guns with them’. By the time Robinson first met John Hepburn in Melbourne six months later, Robinson recorded Hepburn saying (on 25 September 1839) that ‘… the blacks are very numerous in his neighbourhood. They had killed his sheep and all but strangled a shepherd. Believes they were Port Phillip natives. … Said the native women and children fled to his station for protection.’ In the same diary entry, Robinson writes that Hepburn also mentioned that the ‘Names of settlers beside him were Pettit [W. H. Petit managing ‘Dowling Forest’ run north of Ballarat for W. J. T. Clarke], Coggle (sic.) [the Coghill Brothers at ‘Glendonald’ run near Clunes], and Birch [on the ‘Seven Hills’ run near present day Kingston]’.

In 1839, the government instructions as to how the Aboriginal Protectorate system might work in practice were rather vague. Given the extent to which the best country had been so quickly carved up for sheep stations by this time, Edward Parker’s prospect of selecting a Protectorate site which ticked all the boxes was almost impossible. Robinson suggested that the four Assistant Protectors should do what he had done in Tasmania during the 1830s, and begin to move with the Aboriginal groups in order to learn their languages and culture, in the process devising the best means of civilising and protecting them. By March 1839, this suggestion had become a direction from Robinson.

All four Assistant Protectors were ill equipped, with very limited resources, support or budgets and were understandably reluctant to move far away from Melbourne, each with wives and large families. In Parker’s case, his wife Mary already had six children and was pregnant with their seventh. By mid 1839 Parker had begun to comprehend the impossibility of his task in the face of concerted pastoralist and press opposition to the Protectorate idea. As the failure to prosecute those responsible for the murder of 28 unarmed Aboriginal men, women and children in the infamous Myall Creek Massacre (near present day Bingara in northern NSW) in June 1838 had shown, the Aborigines then had no rights to give evidence in court and the many well documented cases of pastoralist murders of Aboriginal people pursued by the Assistant Protectors were unable to be prosecuted.

To make matters worse, by the late 1830s, desperate and starving Aboriginal people on the pastoral frontier in the Port Phillip District had most contact with convict shepherds and hutkeepers in the virtual absence of police or of the rule of law. Many were moving desperately between the early settlements that had taken their most productive land and food resources, now grazed by sheep. Some had resorted to coming to town, particularly Melbourne, some involved in begging, prostitution and the use of force against the invaders.

It was Parker who believed that the Assistant Protectors needed some inducement to encourage Aborigines to be concentrated on the proposed Protectorate Stations, in the form of clothing, food and shelter, quite apart from the medals and trinkets which Robinson often employed. Like Robinson and the other Assistant Protectors, Parker also fervently believed that his responsibilities included civilising Aboriginal people and that this was best achieved by Christianising them.

By September 1839 Parker and his family had moved out of the small town of Melbourne but only as far as Jacksons Creek near Sunbury. Not far from the current Emu Bottom’ property, he erected a wattle and daub hut for his family. Parker’s request that the Protectors be allowed to form Protectorate Stations was finally approved by Governor Gipps in April 1840. The idea was to have an inner reserve of one square mile for cultivation, and an outer reserve with a five-mile radius for hunting and gathering. This proposal meant that 25 large and diverse Aboriginal Nations and peoples in the Port Phillip District, including the Dja Dja Wurrung, were to be concentrated into four arbitrary areas comprising a total of only 200 square kilometres, representing only 0.08 per cent of the land area of Victoria. In modern terms it might have been called a concentration or refugee camp.

Whilst the four Assistant Protectors had been awaiting Gipps’ approval to form Protectorate Stations, they undertook reconnaissance for where the four Protectorate stations should actually be located. With this task in mind, Robinson travelled extensively including to ‘the Loddon District’ with Parker between 9 January and 11 March 1840. Robinson’s extensive diary records whilst in southern Dja Dja Wurrung country on this reconnaissance trip with Edward Parker provide one of the best first hand, written records of many aspects of the southern Dja Dja Wurrung Country and people in the landscape at that time. Gary Presland’s timely self-published book, ‘Riding with Robinson’ (2022), provides a detailed, annotated account of Robinson’s personal diaries during this trip.

Robinson’s diary entries relating to this reconnaissance indicate that Robinson and Parker’s journey approximated the current Western Highway through the Pentland Hills between Melbourne and Ballan, then diverging west to travel in an arc close to present day Mount Edgerton, Scotsburn, Buninyong, Yuile’s Swamp (Lake Wendouree) and Mount Hollowback (which they climbed). At this point they were on the edge of southerd Dja Dja Wurrung country. Thence, on 13 February 1840 they passed through ‘fine open downs’ surrounded by ‘numerous ball topped hills crowned with grass and below grassy plains and open forest, passing Pettit’s [Dowling Forest] and Birch’s ‘comfortable house’ [near present day Kingston] before arriving at John Hepburn’s Smeaton Hill station.

The initial Protectorate site at Neereman 1840-41

One of the main reasons for Robinson and Parker’s eight week trip was to identify a site for Parker’s Protectorate station. Climbing in 14 February 1840 to the top of Mount Kooroocheang just behind Hepburn’s station gave them a splendid view. According to Robinson, John Hepburn: ‘Pointed out the [proposed] place for Parker’s station distant 9 miles NE by N. on the Major’s Line and where he encamped.’ This would have placed it on the Loddon River in the vicinity of present day Newstead.

Robinson continued:

There are large water holes here and plenty of fish, and kangaroos in abundance. And its (sic.) on the border. Nor will it be required. Hence a better site for an establishment could not be selected for the district. It is accessible from Melbourne, 90 miles by the road through the ranges, and could easily be found, being on the Major’s Line. There is a hill Mr Hepburn calls Salus [Mount Tarrengower] N and E to the right of Major’s Line. It’s a good object for travellers. Also a hill Mr Hepburn calls Jem Crow [Mount Franklin] because of the numerous small hollows around it.

The next day Robinson had clearly talked about their options with Hepburn and Parker, noting that Hepburn had offered every assistance in showing him the way over the ranges to the proposed Protectorate site, shortening the route from the 120 miles via Geelong to 80 miles via Mollison’s (near Malmsbury) and Mount Alexander. By then Hepburn had also identified a shorter road from his station to Steiglitz’s (today in the Ballan area) on an ‘almost level road’ impeded only by large fallen timber. This route described was likely past the current Clarke’s Hill and south through the former Bullarook Forest, now prime potato country on the well-watered Great Dividing Range.

On 20 February 1840 Robinson and Parker headed north from Hepburn’s station at the foot of Kooroocheang towards the Loddon River, by following what is now known as Joyces Creek. Robinson wrote that day in his diary that:

This is certainly a good situation for the head station of the Macedon district. It is guarded from the encroachment of squatters, provided the government do not assign them any country, and is accessible at all points. The Major’s Line runs through the centre and it is open at the N and S end and can be approached by the natives without interference. Its length, extreme, is four miles and average breadth one mile. The two ponds are nearly united; by opening up the reeds course of the [Loddon] river runs through. The average length of these ponds is 400 yards, breadth 100 feet. The natives have made Mitchell’s highroad their road. Their track is well beaten upon it.

In reality it was the other way around. Mitchell had been following a well-trodden, ancient Dja Dja Wurrung highways through intensively managed  aboriginal grasslands and along the rich Polodyul / Loddon River Valley. On their reconnaissance expedition along present day Joyces Creek, Robinson (on 20 Feb 1840) was at first ‘at a loss to account for the wheel [tracks] and immense number of cattle tracks we now met with’. Later he realised they had crossed Mitchell’s now well-worn ‘Line’. The ‘encroachment of squatters’ alluded to above was already well underway.

Parker returned on 12 March 1840 to his home base near Sunbury, after this tour of reconnaissance with Robinson. This tour ‘into the interior’ of his allocated north west area led Parker to write to Robinson on 18 March 1840 that ‘I wish to station myself and family immediately in a central situation about the Loddon River’, seeking permission ‘to occupy a suitable tract of country in the situation I have indicated’

Parker’s rough sketch shows an extensive area between the Pyrenees (‘Pilawin’) to the west, and Mount Macedon (‘Terrawait’) to the east, bounded on the south by ‘Bunninyong’, ‘Warrneip’ (Mount Warrenheip)andMurniyong (Mount Blackwood) and to the north by the granite range comprising Leanganook (Mount Alexander) and Mount Byngh (Mount Tarrengower). By that time in March 1840, there were already nine named squatters marked on his map north of the Great Dividing Range. Elmes, Lynot, Coghill and Hepburn were towards the west, and Ebden, Mollison, Thornloe, Monro and Hutton were towards the west. 

The forested country now comprising the then conjoined Creswick, Wombat Upper Loddon and Lerderderg forests plus the then ‘Bullarook Forest’ on the Great Divide around Dean and Mollongghip were marked as ‘Broken Forest Country unavailable for stations’. Parker’s map suggests that the Loddon River valley north of the forest between Mollison and Hepburn’s stations in the vicinity of what is marked as ‘Mitchell’s Line’ had in March 1840 apparently not been taken up. It was this area that Parker set out to return to and examine more closely in mid 1840.

Edgar Morrison (1966, p.16) cites Parker writing (no date given) that he had narrowed down his choice ‘to a particular section of the river in the vicinity of the hill called by the natives Tarrengower’, where he had found a site ‘which seemed to be particularly eligible for the aboriginal establishment’. Parker was clear about his motives and asserted Aboriginal rights not otherwise established until the Mabo decision over 150 years later in 1992. He noted in 1840 that: ‘I deem it my duty respectfully but firmly to assert the right of Aborigines to the soil and its indigenous productions, until suitable compensation be made for occupation by reserving and cultivating a sufficient portion for their maintenance’.

The Neereman Protectorate site on the Loddon River actually chosen by Parker had, unbeknown to Parker, recently been occupied by squatters Dutton, Darlot and Simson, who challenged its establishment. Despite strident public opposition for the Protectorate’s establishment during 1840, aired in the pages of the Port Phillip Herald (which was co-owned by Dutton), by February 1840 twelve Aboriginal dwellings had been built at Neereman. Parker returned to Melbourne from Nerreman on Christmas Eve, 1840 and arrived at Robinson’s office on Christmas Day, 25 Dec. By then Parker had compiled a list of hundreds of named individuals in twelve Dja Dja Wurrung clans, then called ‘Jajowrong sections’ also listed in Robinson’s 25 December diary. The number of people in each clan was also estimated, ranging from ‘about 50’ Galgalbulluk to ‘only two survive’ of the Wonangabulluk.

Aside from the squatter resistance, the less than ideal sandy site and the poor timing of its establishment in a hot summer of an extremely dry year had by then become obvious. The many problems Parker faced during this period are comprehensively covered in Bain Attwood’s The Good Country (pp.100-101). By 5 January 1841 Parker was writing to Robinson seeking permission to relocate the North West Protectorate site. By then an inspection of the Neereman site by overseer, Robert Bazeley , confirmed that the cultivation proposed as part of the civilizing and Christianising project at the Neereman site was not feasible. Bazeley identified a preferred alternative site ‘about three miles above the point where Major Mitchell’s Line crosses the Loddon’. Edgar Morrison in 1966 concluded that this would have placed it ‘on the river flats in the vicinity of the Strangways Railway siding’. However Lachlan McKinnon, then owner of the nearby Tarrangower run wrote on 7 Jan 1841 to Governor La Trobe strongly objecting also to the Strangways site.

As an aside, overseer Bazeley’s daughter died at the Franklinford Protectorate site in June 1842. Being one of the first recorded white settler deaths she was buried, in Parker’s words (cited in Morrison, 1971, p.43) at a ‘suitable place for a burial ground’. This burial preceded the formal survey of the Franklinford Protectorate Cemetery by approximately 18 months, likely on the same site, as Parker’s first wife, Mary was later buried there in October 1842.

Parker called on Robinson in Melbourne several times in early January 1841. On 14 January 1841, Robinson wrote that ‘Mr Parker called p.m., brought a letter explanatory in reference to his proceedings in reference to the native locality on the Loddon River’. However from early February to mid-August 1841, Robinson was distracted by his insatiable travel bug and conveniently distracted from the impossible task of managing all four Associate Protectors. From 4 Feb to 23 Feb Robinson was away on a tour to the Ovens River district. From 21 March to 14 August Robinson 1841 was on tour again, this time undertaking reconnaissance for the southwestern district Protectorate station briefly based at Mount Rouse. By the time Robinson returned, the Protectorate had already been relocated.

The move to Larnenebarramul in 1841

Robinson first visited Parker’s new station site centred on present day Franklinford on 19 Nov 1841, that he described as being:

… on one of the sources of the Lodden (sic.), at a place called [‘place of the emu’], a short distance from The appearance of the place on approaching is rather pleasing; it is however surrounded by broken forest ranges containing abundance of game.

Robinson observed that Mrs Parker was ‘in general dirty’ in appearance, and he ‘first rode around the station to give Mrs Parker an opportunity of cleaning’. Robinson stayed there only one night, sleeping in Parker’s office but did not actually meet Edward Parker. Robinson also reported that ‘few natives’ were present, before heading off instead towards Le Soeuf’s Protectorate Station on the Goulburn River via Mollison’s station, close to present day Malmsbury (where he did finally meet Mr Parker).

Robinson’s explanation for the absence of ‘blacks’ at the Franklinford Protectorate, was that the day he had arrived, ‘… the blacks went off to the north for more blacks’. The next day, 20 November 1841 he suggested another explanation, when he wrote that ‘Nearly all the natives were leaving the station. The natives say too much sick[ness] at the station at’, that he later (23 Nov) calls ‘Jem Crow Hill’. That day Robinson included a tally of the fluctuating number of Aborigines at the station between 8-19 November, from a peak of 79 men to a low of 29 men when he arrived. On 9 November 1841 there were 132 Aboriginal people present: 60 men, 24 women, 30 boys and 18 girls.

Robinson noted that ‘The Aboriginal station here commenced June 1841’ and listed all of the buildings, paddocks and crops. The buildings included Parker’s four-room slab house and the overseer’s split slab, two room hut. Robinson, in his typically critical fashion, also painted a fairly grim but perhaps honest scene in his personal diary on 20 Nov 1841. Such scenes were deliberately missing from the gilded descriptions both Robinson and Parker provided which were incorporated into government reports of the time.

I saw no signs of a school. … The natives much diseased. … It may be considered an establishment for prostitution. … Natives described how poor men, i.e. settler’s servants drove them away when their masters come. The hill at Loddon station is called (emu house). The creek or branch of the Lodden is called Lulgambook.

Robinson noted in his diary two months later, on 20 January 1842, on his way to what he described in detail and referred to as a distressing and tragic hanging of two condemned Aboriginal (Tasmanian) men, that on the previous day in Melbourne, he gave ‘Mr Parker medals for the Lodden station and appointed Boardman to his station’. Boardman was employed as a carpenter.

There were many goon reasons why being taught discipline and punctuality and voluntarily tilling the soil alongside paid White overseers, bullock drivers and farm hands on Protectorate Stations was never going to work, aside from the First Nations need to fulfil ongoing obligations to Nation, Clan, family and Country. The main ‘carrot’ to come to the Protectorate and stay was the provision of food and medical help, which by then was desperately needed. By late 1841 Parker estimated that 90 per cent of Dja Dja Wurrung people in his Larnibarramul census were debilitated by syphilis. A more complete account of the many reasons why the Protectorate also failed on this new site is found in Bain Attwood’s The Good Country, Chapter 6.

Momentous family pressures during these first five years also began to surface publicly for the Parker family. Mary Parker had spent almost five years raising a large family on the frontier swelled by many apparently ‘orphaned’ children they had ‘taken in’, much of the time whilst her husband, Edward was absent for long periods. On 2 Sept 1842 Robinson wrote in his diary that Assistant Protector Dredge had made an affidavit that he saw Assistant Protector Sievwright kiss Mrs Parker (Edward Parker’s wife) and had gone ‘into her cabin at all hours of the night’. Parker arrived in Melbourne on 24 Sept 1842, meeting with Robinson on 26 Sept to provide Robinson with another shocking revelation. Robinson in his diary of 29 Sept 1842 wrote that Parker had told him ‘that they saw Sievwright, fastened the tent and have connection with [Sievwright’s] daughter that the latter struggled but that he effected his purpose.’ In effect Parker was alleging Seivwright had committed incest.

Evidence from other sources confirms that colonial authorities and squatters already had a hatred of Sievwright because of his dogged attempts to try and bring the many murderers of Aborigines in the western district that he was responsible for to justice. They then judged him to be ‘of dubious moral character’ with claims [alluded to above that] he had committed adultery with a fellow Assistant Protector’s wife, and most serious of all, that he had committed incest with his 16 year old, eldest daughter, which promptly ended Sievwright’s commission.

It is highly pertinent to note here that Parker’s first wife, Mary, died tragically and ‘unexpectedly’ (age 35 years) less than a fortnight after the last of these diary records of Robinson which mention this conversation with Edward Parker on 11 October 1842. What happened and what was said in the Parker household in that fortnight can only be guessed at. Morrison suggested in Early days in the Loddon Valley (1966, p.64) that Mrs Parker’s life in the previous four years before her suicide had:

… been one of privation, hardship and solitude. So acute was her feeling of loneliness, occasioned by her husband’s frequent and prolonged absences on official duties, and by the dearth of female friends and companions, that she pleaded with her younger sister Charlotte to join her [which she did, but arrived after Mary Parker’s death].

Edward Parker was away in Melbourne the night his wife, Mary died at the Franklinford Protectorate site. The six young Parker boys were then in the household, age between six and 14 years, had actually been in the home at the time and were left without a mother. One of Parker’s children, writing years later recalled, ‘a distressing noise in mother’s room’ at ‘the midnight hour’ the evening she died. 

A young convict at the station, a constant companion of Parker’s on many of his expeditions, volunteered to ride the 80 miles (130 km) to Melbourne in the dark to fetch Parker, which he did on a series of horses in only six hours. Remarkably, he was back at the station by 9pm the next evening with Parker, despite taking two hours to finally locate him once he got to Melbourne.

Robinson next visited the Loddon Aboriginal Station for a few days in late November 1842. When he arrived on 26 Nov 1842, Robinson was unusually upbeat, recording:

Natives present 47 men, 33 women, 41 youths and boys, 22 girls, total 143. But as they kept coming in I should suppose there were 200. There was a good church and school and much fencing done since I was there last [almost exactly one year before]. Crops looked well. Gave the natives a treat. The Ma.le.conedeets [literally ‘men of the Mallee country’] were there.

As an aside, a detailed and independent 1883 recollection of a corroboree that included the visitors from the Mallee appeared in the Daylesford Advocate, held in ‘a camp … close to the station’, recalled as involving 300 participants in November 1843. 

In late November 1942 Robinson write that he ‘gave [the natives] a blanket to two chiefs and a meddal (sic) each’. On 27 Nov Robinson noted that:

All the natives and whites attended [church] service a.m. and were very attentive. Mr Parker spoke to them, part in native dialect and part English. I also addressed them … Mr Parker had service to persons in his own house and prayers morning and evening.’

On the day before he headed back to Melbourne, Robinson wrote on 28 November 1842 that he:

… visited the crater at the mount called Willum-parramul, otherwise Jem Crow. It is an ancient crater of large dimension. … Had a fine view. This morning visited the spring at the establishment a mile and a half distant [presumably the ‘Old Mill Stream’ towards Shepherds Flat]. In the evening attended corrobery (sic) of Malle condeets … At the conclusion both men and women singing together … After viewing … I went to the house. The Jajowrong had remained to a late hour.

In early 1843 Parker filed a Loddon Protectorate census dated 5 January 1843 of Jajowrong (Dja Dja Wurrung) Tribal Groups by clan. Twelve clans were listed with a total of 251 people, including 53 Galgalbulluk people and 37 Wornarra-gerrar people. By then, some clans listed had only two or three living individuals.

On an extended trip between 18 March and 29 April 1843 to the north east, northwest and Western Districts, Robinson again explored parts of the northern Dja Dja Wurrung country including parts of the northern Loddon River, along parts of Mitchell’s ‘northern’ Line. On his way back from this six week trip via the western district in late April, Robinson again entered southern Dja Dja Wurrung country. On 24 April Robinson makes mention of passing the cattle station at Mount Misery, lunching at McCallum’s station at Mount Greenock (where Campbell was visiting), being ‘well entertained’ at ‘Cameron’s out station 10 miles west of Hepburn’. The next day, 25 April 1843, Robinson wrote that he:

… proceeded to Hepburn [at Kooroocheang] and then to Wilam.e.parramul, over the range and by a bridle path. Natives at the station. Men 59, Women 46, Boys 35, Girls 28, [Total] 168. A large barn completed and 800 bushels wheat. … Mr Parker is building a pisa [pise: rammed earth] house.

On 26 April 1843 Robinson wrote ‘No school at Parkers’, before leaving the next day for Melbourne.

There is evidence here and elsewhere that by this time in 1843, despite Robinson’s optimistic report, the Protectorate system generally was in disarray: hampered by colonial bureaucracy, a legal system which gave Indigenous people minimal legal rights and hostility from both squatters and Aborigines. It was, in part, Parker’s favourable reports on the Loddon River Protectorate Station in 1843 (and later in 1845), which saved the Protectorate system, at least until a NSW Parliamentary Select Committee recommended it be abolished in 1849.

Parker next visited Robinson in Melbourne on both 6 and 8 June 1843. From June 1843 Parker was also given ‘surveillance’ responsibility for the Goulburn (NE) District of the Protectorate. Parker was still in Melbourne visiting Governor La Trobe on 26 June in a dispute about Le Soeuf’s bullocks at the Goulburn station, irritating Robinson because he thought Parker had already returned to his station. 

On 1 Nov 1843 Robinson again visited the Loddon station on the way back from the Goulburn. ‘Powlet and Hunter’ were at the station and not all was in order. Robinson records that:

One black prisoner Buckly (sic.) stealing sheep all the natives absent. A little boy present. Mt Parker’s natives out marauding in Pyrenees. Mr Parker 30 pigs … a little fencing done, barn unfinished. Plenty wheat left, Carpenter not wanted. … Slab building unsightly. Four white prisoners with Powlet (sic.) are women.

Robinson headed west, staying with the Hepburn family on 7 Nov 1843, noting he had seen ‘a Mill at Bitches [Birch’s]’, presumably Hepburn’s flour mill then powered by water from Hepburn Lagoon on Birch’s Creek.

As an aside here, it is pertinent to note that a few weeks after this diary entry by Robinson, Edward Parker remarried in Melbourne on 27 Dec 1843. His second wife was Hannah Edwards. Hannah had previously been employed as a seamstress on the Aboriginal station. When they married, Edward Parker was 41, and Hannah was 25. They went on to have six more children, three boys and three girls, but two of their daughters died in infancy. Their youngest son, George Alfred Parker, was born in 1858.

By Nov 1844 Robinson was facing calls to do away with the Goulburn station, noting that there were reports via Governor La Trobe of no natives being there or at the Loddon station. During 1845 the NSW Legislative Council appointed a select committee to assess the Protectorate system which heard highly critical accounts from its witnesses, but did not publish what would likely have been a damning report, as its Chairman died and it ceased its work. Increasingly, flocks from neighbouring pastoralists had impinged on the poorly defined and unfenced Protectorate boundaries, and Parker’s priorities progressively shifted towards advancing his own interests.

Robinson next visited the station at Franklinford for a week from 21-28 March 1845, this time travelling via Mollison’s outstation and Kangaroo Hills. Whilst he found ‘Parker at home’, Robinson wrote: ‘Few natives, Establishment an unsightly appearance’. Robinson attended a Sunday service in the chapel, noting on Monday 24 March that ‘Mr and Mrs Edwards [Hannah Parker’s parents] at Parker’s’. On 25 March two drays came to station, carrier from ‘Moone Ponds’ (sic.). Robinson left the Loddon Protectorate station on 28 March 1845 ’accompanied by Dr Campbell and Native Police’, staying overnight with John Hepburn’s family that night and with McCallum at Mount Greenock the next night on his way north.

It seems Robinson next visited the Protectorate in mid-November 1845. Arriving before sundown, Robinson wrote: ‘Mr Parker there. Ellen Edwards, Bricknell. Mrs Parker’s family away. Some fine natives’, on 13 Nov also noting Parker’s census for that day: there were 30 men, 31 women, 15 boys, 12 girls, total 88 at the Protectorate.

Robinson became bored with the Protectorate administrivia and life in Melbourne as the Protectorates slowly disintegrated. He went on a long and totally unauthorised grand tour between 26 March 1846 and 8 Aug 1846, which included parts of South Australia, stopping off briefly on the way at the Loddon Protectorate. Robinson wrote on 29 March 1846 that ‘Mr Parker at home, unwell, had intended to go to Goulburn, said got to me with 30 blacks, station dilapidated.’ Robinson stayed at the Franklinford Protectorate for almost two weeks but recorded less than two pages of diary in total, with some unusually brief, single sentence entries. Clearly, he had totally lost his interest in the inevitable decline of the Protectorates and was anxious to get away.

In that fortnight, some of very few highlights he wrote in his diary as he impatiently waited to move on included: ‘Mr Birch called’ (3 April 1846), ’Forty natives on station when I arrived. Forbes writing against Protectorate in March newspaper’ (4 April), ‘attended morning and evening service. Building and fences all dilapidated’ (Sunday, 5 April), ‘I am anxious to go already, all ready’ (6 April), On 7 April ‘Mr Coghil (sic.), Miss Hepburn, Thom and Mr [blank] teacher’, played ‘Blind Man’s Bluff’ in the evening, dismissing Edward Parker as ‘an old worrier’. Of all the scenes which epitomise this pitiful colonial scene and which I would like to be ‘fly on the wall’ for, Robinson being totally bored enough to play Blind Man’s Bluff with Edward Parker’s family and John Hepburn’s young daughter and the Protectorate teacher as the decaying and dilapidated Protectorate system unravels around them just five years after it was established at Franklinford sits right up there.

On 9 April 1846 Robinson wrote ‘Parker going home, is in a fright about going, quite alarmed’. Presumably Robinson had pressured Parker into coming along for Robinson’s intended and extended junket, a pressure that Parker had come to detest and understandably resist. The evening before Robinson left the Protectorate and headed further north into Dja Dja Wurrung country, Robinson bitterly recorded that that ‘Parker never came, a liar’.

On his return from his 18 week interstate ‘tour’, Robinson was chastised by Governor La Trobe and ordered not to travel away again, other than to the Port Phillip Protectorates. On 10 August 1846 Robinson was again railing in his diary, that Mr Parker ‘wants to take stock on terms I won’t listen to … I seen what it will result in. The mission is all a farce’. Parker visited Robinson in Melbourne next on 16 Oct 1846 and again on 18 Dec 1846. Robinson was losing patience with Parker, who claimed he had come to town and lost his horse:

Fudge! [‘Rubbish!’] As usual he was full of complaints, would not attend to much, had two stations to manage &c. and has work to do. Saved government this and that advanced moneys … yet cannot carry on impossible.’ 

Robinson went on to suggest that his own interstate jaunt had cost the government very little compared to what resources Parker had wasted.

When Robinson next visited Parker at his Mount Franklin station, again for just a few days between 21-24 Sept 1847, it was a very mixed report. He wrote during that interval that there were:

30 natives on station … expecting Mr La Trobe. Mr Parker at Goulburn last [between 15-19 Jan 1847]. Wheat sown, Footrot in sheep … [flour] mill out of order and wheat sent to Hepburn’s to grind. … 2,560 sheep Lodden (sic.), Parker got 1,1000 sheep with Bicknell on the station. Miserable place … orphan children. Parker plenty pig, geese and cattle … Parker sells stone instead of lime. Parker to account for money for lime …. The first Presbyterian church at the Lodden is a barn and shearing shed.

This mention of ‘lime’ refers to private lime kiln business Parker was evidently conducting on the side, mining and roasting lime from the limestone deposit within the Protectorate boundaries at what would later become Gilmore’s Spring, and which by the would become 1970s Coca Cola’s eponymous ‘Mount Franklin Spring’.

As he left the Protectorate in September 1847, Robinson cuttingly wrote:

Parker tells of what might have been and might be a school, why the mission as the Barwin (sic) has no school !!! Mr Parker all in prospect or else, the time is past [sic.] by, the government have lost the opportunity &c.

Robinson was in new offices in Melbourne in a room in John Batman’s old house at the junction of Spencer and Flinders Streets by June 1848. Soon after, on 11 August 1848, Robinson’s wife, Maria died after becoming chronically ill and in severe pain. George and Maria had grown apart during the Port Phillip years after frequent prolonged absences, and Robinson had also developed very strained relationships with his children.

By 19 Oct 1848, Robinson wrote that Parker had written to Governor La Trobe about ‘Hunter’s encroachments. Said he had approved of a fence for burying ground. Said Parker if he wanted a school should have employed his family. We had no business to keep his family’. Hunter was likely William Morrison Hunter, who had been on the Tarrrengower run on the Loddon River adjoining Newstead since 1842, previously run by Lauchlan Mackinnon 1839-41, and the encroachments referred to Hunter’s stock encroaching on the Loddon Protectorate boundaries. Some of these issues about the Protectorate boundaries and encroachment by Hunter are dealt with in C. C. Culvenor’s (1992) The boundaries of the Mount Franklin Aboriginal Reserve that includes excellent maps.

On 12 March 1849 Parker visited Robinson’s relocated office on Queen Street in Melbourne, having previously visited Governor La Trobe and convincing him to ‘have a schoolmaster &c.’ at Franklinford. Robinson noted in his dairy that day that Parker ‘is in a bad state of health.’

Closure of all Port Phillip Protectorates, December 1849

By 1849 the government authorities including Governor La Trobe were unable to ignore the abject failure of the Protectorate project, and an official investigation was ordered. A decade before a similar inquiry into Robinson’s work on Flinders Island had, in Vivienne Rae-Ellis’ (1988) Black Robinson book (p.226) judgement, exposed Robinson as ‘a failure, liar and cheat’. However as for the Van Diemen’s Land (VDL) inquiry, neither the personal roles of Robinson nor the Port Phillip Assistant Protectors roles were critically examined.

The Select Committee concluded that whilst the Protectorate system had failed totally, it was unable to recommend a substitute for it. In Parker’s prophetic words, the Aborigines had been ‘restrained but not reclaimed’. The Protectorate system in the Colony of Port Phillip was formally abolished in December 1849. Unfortunately Robinson’s candid personal diaries between 10 June 1849 (when he opened the official letter confirming the closure) and 31 Dec 1849 have not survived.

As an aside, in 1851 Robinson returned briefly to VDL and visited the 20 remaining VDL Aborigines at Oyster Cove south of Hobart, where they had been transferred from the Flinders Island’s similarly failed and deadly resettlement ‘experiment’. Within 20 years most were dead. With Truganina’s death in 1876.

Following abolition of the Protectorate in late 1849, Parker applied for and was granted a Pastoral License to the Protectorate Reserve under an arrangement with Governor La Trobe. Parker was allowed to depasture his own stock and cultivate sections of the land for his own use and that of the Aboriginal School, subject to him ‘giving employment, both pastoral and agricultural, as far as possible, to the Aboriginal natives.’

Joseph Parker sometime after Parker’s death (in Morrison, 1971, p.51) summarised his perception of the way his father managed to secure more than a golden handshake.

When the Aboriginal Station was abolished, Father was offered a licence for the reserve (sixty two square miles), which he accepted. We then moved our quarters to the foot of Mount Franklin, where we established our homestead, and commenced farming and grazing. We got on fairly well for about three years, but the discovery of gold on the Run brought a number of bad characters into the district and then our trouble began. 

Robinson next visited the Loddon station on a hot day in 27 Jan 1850 noting, ‘Parker at home. Is to remain at station Jem Crow to be called Mt Franklin and station Franklinham (sic.). Parker to run 8,000 sheep.’

The next day Robinson covered a lot of ground in his diary entry of 28 Jan 1850, reproduced in full to give some idea of what Robinson was seeing on the former Protectorate, as well as what he was most interested in and thinking about. Robinson wrote:

Hot day. At station, some natives there getting in wheat. Benevolent Society. Paddock is full of drakes. A black named [blank] died at the Loddon and the Loddon natives went and killed some Murry (sic.) natives in revenge and mustering at Simson’s [at Charlotte Plains, near Carisbrook] to fight it out, it is to be a grand affair the natives say.

The natives should be treated [as] men, they work as men and should be treated as men, a fair day’s wage for a fair day’s labor but this is never accorded them. It is thought if they get food it is enough for blacks.

The natives have a feeling that they are men and they evince that [they are] higher beings. The settlers all abuse them, men great scoundrels &c.

Loddon: Mrs Judkin [Mrs Margaret Judkins, with her husband Charles were teachers at the Aboriginal School with Parker] said her girls would not read before the men, what men I asked, oh sir, the native men they are all men and so it turned out and the four native females I saw one married woman and one elderly lubra had a child with her.

The run and compensation would be equivalent to 3000 [pound], ewes cost 4/1 licence run 10, difference for run 6/1. Look in the map of Ireland for unpronounceable names, so much for sarcasm. Wool left Loddon on Wednesday p.m. Buildings dilapidated. His Honor [Governor La Trobe] stopped three hours at the station.

The next day it rained, and Robinson wrote that in the afternoon ‘Capt. Hepburn returned from Melbourne, Called at station. Mrs H[epburn]. at Mr Budds for three months. John H. gone to VDL then to England to meet Sir J. Franklin’. On 30 January 1850 Robinson wrote: ‘Could not get the natives to attend school until the dogs was at work. Mrs Judkins [the school teacher] said girls travelled with them would only come when they choose.’

Robinson wrote down the names of 14 males and four females at Franklinford on that date in 1850, one of whom was recorded as ‘Eliza, Babine, Dicky’s lubra, one child with her’. Eliza, born around 1833 was a Daung Wurrung woman and would have been approximately 18 years old. The unnamed child was very likely Ellen, born in 1849, after whom ‘Ellen’s Walk for Reconciliation’ was named as part of the July 2018 NIADOC week celebrations. Ellen’s father ‘Dicky, Yerrebulluk’ was amongst the men listed, a Dja Dja Wurrung man likely then aged approximately 24 years. Robinson indicates in his diary that eight of the Aboriginal children at Franklinford were requested to read, five of whom ‘Attempted’, Three of whom ‘Read’.

Robinson completed the 30 January 1850 diary entry with ‘Bates said the total number of [blank] were 20’. Likely this refers to 20 Aboriginal people then at the station. William Bates had been employed at the station since January 1848, having previously worked as an overseer at the Goulburn Protectorate from Oct 1845.

The European rediscovery of gold in the Port Phillip District (that would certainly have been found in nugget form by Aboriginal Australians across goldfields Country for millennia) took place in Clunes in 1851 and at many other sites in the years and decades that followed. It is notable that during this time almost nothing was done officially by colonial governments to intervene on behalf of First Nations people during this second and much bigger invasion, until the ‘Mission and Central Station era’ policies and programs during the 1860s and 1870’s.

Restoring Mount Greenock Geological Reserve

Barry Golding


The bald and rounded ‘volcanic fire fountain’ now called Mount Greenock looms large in central Dja Dja Wurrung country on the north side of the highway between Clunes and Talbot. While it remains in public ownership it has been battered by change and neglect since Major Thomas Mitchell climbed and renamed it in the verdant spring of 1836. Hopefully today’s overgrazed cow paddock will fare better over the next 185 years.

Today, on paper at least, Mount Greenock is a 120 hectare ‘Geological Reserve’ specifically and primarily reserved four decades ago (in the February 1981 via the Land Conservation Council, North Central Area, Final Recommendations (p.95). It was listed by and reserved by virtue of its significant scientific value, ‘to preserve its geological features … for the public’s education and enjoyment’, on the understanding that ‘… it also has recreation, nature conservation scenic and landscape features in addition to geological features’. 

In reality the reserve, in my view, has become a very degraded, dreadfully managed and poorly interpreted site. The area has been leased over many decades under grazing licences in an opaque and arguably inappropriate arrangement via a small, unrepresentative, local committee, many of whom have actually been the lessees. While there is some ageing and inappropriate interpretation through a closed gate off the highway at the Union Mine Site within the reserve, members of the public visiting the site will have no idea of its extent or boundaries. Almost no one driving past will realise this is a significant area of public land which they have a right to access for recreation, education and enjoyment, including to freely climb to the summit on its eroding flanks, dodging cow pats along cattle tracks to the 1936 ‘Centenary of Major Mitchell ‘monument on the summit.

I have posted this blog to provide some publicly available evidence, information and an informed opinion to place on the table in the negotiations in June 2022 between the Upper Loddon and Avoca Landcare Network and Parks Victoria, for the Network to take over the license of the Mount Greenock Geological Reserve. Anyone with other information to add or who wants to correct any of what is in my account is welcome to contact me and I will consider editing it accordingly.

Why is this information timely in June 2022?

A document circulated on 2 June 2022 by the Landcare Network to inform the negotiations alluded to above includes the following useful background information about the reserve and what might be envisaged. The following in italics is taken close to verbatim from that document.

The reserve [is] predominantly covered in native grasses, with an assortment of broadleaf (Capeweed, Erodium) weeds and limited Clover. Significant numbers of Tree Violet still remain, but without any other supporting species. In some places (around 2-5%) there is good European perennial pasture. The site is predominantly treeless, and has minor infestations of woody weeds (Blackberry, Boxthorn and Gorse) as well as Bathurst burr.

The involvement of the Network in the Reserve has the potential to deliver:

  1. a range of simple environmental improvements, namely weed and rabbit control
  2. a significant opportunity to leverage endangered species resources for the reserve and similar private land parcels in the area
  3. to improve the environmental values of the reserve itself and potentially similar land in the area
  4. to be a place of Landcare demonstration and learning, and
  5. to produce a regular source of income for the Network to undertake its broader activities.

How might it work?

We would need to:

  1. make a plan and strike an agreement with Parks Victoria as to the ongoing management of the reserve and the environmental outcomes we are both seeking
  2. find and manage a suitable lessee to graze the reserve for a commercial return
  3. make a number of improvements to the property (as agreed with Parks Victoria) so as to leave it better than when we took it over. Such improvements could either be done with the lease fees we receive or built into the lease and undertaken by the lessee.

These works could include all or some of the following:

  • Weed and rabbit control,
  • Some pasture enhancement and or fertiliser,
  • Strategic revegetation on site of around 5% of the area (3,600 trees)
  • Protection works for key sites like McCallum Creek (1,200 trees).

My opinion

  • What is proposed above is a positive and overdue move towards proper, public, inclusive, responsible and transparent management, including weed and rabbit control and strategic revegetation of this important ‘parcel of public land’.
  • It is timely to find a way to end a century of public neglect, opaque local private appropriation, mismanagement and overgrazing, given this is public land and it has formally designated ‘Geological Reserve’ status. 
  • Given this public land is on Dja Dja Wurrung Country it would seem to be wise, timely and also essential to consult and involve the traditional owners from the outset. 
  • Given this is a designated a ‘Geological Reserve’ it would also make sense to involve and seek the expert opinion from geologists and geomorphologists about what is of particular scientific and geological value and interest here (aside from its obvious heritage and ecological status) and how those values might be protected, enhanced and interpreted though proper interpretation and management.
  • Grazing cattle for commercial return is totally inconsistent with the preservation and interpretation of the reserve’s geological features, for the public education and enjoyment or enhancing and protecting the reserve’s recreation, nature conservation scenic and landscape features. Using any profits from grazing of the reserve to fund the work of the Landcare Network elsewhere would be like ‘Peter robbing Paul’, and ‘a bridge too far’.
  • It would be sensible and timely during the 2022 negotiations to apply very similar management principles to the nearby geologically similar 8 ha ‘Scenic Reserve’ P6 on and surrounding Mount Glasgow (whose scenic features are similarly severely compromised by grazing, and which is currently devoid of signage, proper fencing, public access or interpretation).

Post Contact History

Previously within the southernmost edge of Dja Dja Wurrung country within the Loddon River catchment draining north from the Great Dividing Range, after 1838 the area surrounding the mountain was to become part of the Mount Greenock pastoral run first ‘explored’ and squatted on by John Hawdon in 1837. 

Rita Hull notes in her 1989 book Alexander McCallum and the Dunach Forest Run that sometime in late 1837, the Hawdon Brothers, John and Joseph organised a second journey back to Melbourne with cattle, and that sometime after that John Holden sent sheep to the creek that ran past Mount Greenock and the plains the other side of it. Joseph Hawdon along with Hepburn and Gardiner had previously made a similar trip to Melbourne with cattle in late 1836. John Hepburn records buying a horse from John Hawdon on 16 Oct 1837, likely whilst he was waiting for his family to arrive from at Coghill’s Strathallen station, in the spring of 1837 near Braidwood in NSW.

‘Ebenezer Oliphant’ had taken charge of the Mount Greenock run by June 1841. David and Ebenezer Oliphant had arrived in Port Philip (via Adelaide) on 9 April 1840 on the barque India along with an ‘A. McCallum’. The barque had departed Greenock in Scotland on 5 Oct 1839. Oliphant’s hutkeeper was later murdered near Mount Greenoch in early 1841 by the brothers of Gonduirmin, an Aboriginal man, by some of Dutton, Simson and Darlot’s assigned men on Glenmona station to the west of Maryborough on 7 Feb 1841.

The Mount Greenock run later transferred to Alexander McCallum. McCallum, born in Oban, Scotland, 1811, had arrived in Australia 1839 with his brother Kenneth, who was killed by Aborigines ‘in unknown circumstances’ (recorded in Mount Hope Station, The squatting era, C. Spowart, 2006). By 1848 the run was formally leased by McCallum as the 63,000 acre ‘Dunach Forest’ Run’. Alexander McCallum also ran the Mount Hope Run on the Tragowell Plains until 1853. 

In the summer of 1840 when George Robinson crossed Kone-de-bit (today McCallum Creek) below Mount Greenock, he remarked on the already barren, eaten out appearance of the surrounding plains caused by sheep and cattle. In Robinson’s 3 March 1840 diary entry he noted that ‘Mount Greenock is covered with scoria, very thickly grassed. This is the hill Mitchell lavished his praise on.’

Being on the ‘Majors Line’ between present day Portland and Sydney, the area including along Kone-de-bit had by then become a convenient transit point on the early major overland stock routes between Sydney, Portland and Adelaide, with convenient connections also to stock disembarkation ports on the southern Port Phillip coast at Corio. 

The mountain survived the worst of the nearby Talbot gold rushes from the late 1850s including the Scandinavian Rush of 1859, acting as a Town Common reserve, but later became the focus of extensive deep lead mining under both its northern and southern flanks. From 1981 it was formally zoned as a Geological Reserve, and remains in public ownership. While theoretically managed by Parks Victoria, the reserve has in reality been heavily grazed by cattle in an opaque leasing arrangement with (and by) a very small number of local landholders called the ‘Talbot Common Committee’.

This woefully managed public reserve on a former, goldfields Township Common would be unremarkable except for Thomas Mitchell’s single-minded obsession with reading what he wrongly perceived in 1836 as an ‘empty Eden’ ripe for the taking when he stood on its summit and declared it as the heart of Australia Felix (‘happy Australia’). 

By the time the Chief Protector of Aborigines George Robinson visited the area less than four years later in February 1840, he alluded to shepherds seeking ‘sanction to commit aggressions on the natives’ and observed ‘eight old native huts at one encampment, and mussel shells where their fires have been’. 

Had Mitchell not blundered into, summited and renamed this now bald, rocky volcanic peak on his militaristic route march home towards Sydney in spring of 1836, Mount Greenock would be unremarkable and more poorly known than it is today. 

Mitchell and the pastoralists that followed his tracks dubbed it and the many similar bald hills he saw on the fertile plains beyond it to the west as ‘mammeloid’ (breast-like). No one bothered to record the Dja Dja Wurrung name for Mount Mitchell and the other peaks on the surrounding plains that were largely devoid of trees. Mitchell missed the obvious and uncomfortable reality that these rich grasslands had actually been created and named by the people already in the landscape. 

As an ‘explorer’ and expeditioner, Mitchell’s mission had been to open what he perceived as an unopened an empty country, as well as to chart and make scientific sense of what was perceived as an alien and empty landscape. His diaries confirm he was interested in everything except the people whose land he was intruding on. 

Mount Greenock: A pen picture

Mount Greenock is today a seldom-visited and poorly known Geological Reserve. Its only public access is via a nondescript gravel track and a roadside gate north of the Clunes – Talbot Road. The Parks Victoria sign says, ‘Union Mine & Mount Greenock Geological Reserve’. Access to the mountain flank and what looks like a cow paddock beyond is via an indistinct series of meandering tracks beyond a stile. The only obvious native vegetation that survives the cattle grazing on the ‘reserve’ are the few ancient (perhaps 180+ year old), scattered, remnant,Tree Violet bushes (Melicytus dentatus) amongst the lumps of scoria, volcanic boulders and cow pats. 

There are no signs or tracks to encourage or guide visitors onto the peak. Beyond the dated and faded interpretive signage about Major Mitchell’s conquest of the mountain located adjacent to the former mine site, it is possible to clamber to the top of the mountain for the same sublime 360 degree view that Mitchell gushed about. A high stone cairn including inscription celebrating Mitchell’s ‘discovery’ was placed on the windswept summit by the Talbot community as part a re-enactment of its discovery during the mountain’s 1936 ‘centenary’. 

The reserve is skirted by Kone-de-bit (McCallum Creek) to the east, in the 1840s known at Mount Greenock Creek. Beyond and east of the creek is the similarly volcanic Mount Glasgow, perhaps known to the Dja Dja Wurrung as Tout-bor-nay (Brough Smyth, 1878, The Aborigines of Victoria, Vol. 2, p.180). Mount Greenock and its broad volcanic crater to the north west towards the historic gold town of Talbot, is by mid-summer razed to the ground by grazing and in winter dominated by introduced grasses and weeds. To find out where it all changed, it’s necessary to go back to the spring of 1836.

At that time no Europeans had been into Dja Dja Wurrung Nation. The headwaters of the Kone-de-bit which flowed north off the Great Dividing Range comprised the home range of the Korerpongerlite gunditj Clan. Within five years squatting runs including those claimed by Learmonth, Coghill, Cameron, and Simson had encircled the southern, eastern and northern ends of the Mount Greenock Creek catchment. Several well-documented killings of Dja Dja Wurrung peoples occurred on properties owned by Learmonth, Simson (with Dutton and Darlot) and Oliphant between 1838 and 1841. By the time Parker set up the first Loddon Aboriginal Protectorate at Neereman in late 1840, these same squatters actively undermined his best efforts and by mid-1841 had forced its removal back to Larni-barramul (then referred to as ‘Jim Crow’ by Hepburn, later renamed ‘Mount Franklin’). 

What were the volcanic grasslands like before 1836?

From the accounts of Mitchell (1836) and Robinson (1840), the grasslands and woodlands on and around the mammaloid volcanic hills before the introduction of sheep was thick with Kangaroo grass (Themeda triandra) on which herbivores including kangaroo thrived. Sheep quickly ate and removed the Murnong or ‘Yam Daisy’ (Microseris lanceolata), previously the staple food of many Aboriginal people and nations on volcanic grasslands across southern Australia. 

The ‘honeysuckle’ (Sliver Banksia: Banksia marginata), ‘oak’ (Buloke: Allocasuarina luehmannii) and ‘myrtle’ (Sweet Bursaria: Bursaria spinosa) were observed by Mitchell in 1836 and later by Robinson when exploring the same area in 1840. These characteristic emergent trees and shrubs within the grasslands and woodlands came close to extinction locally within living memory. When in the area between present day Miners Rest and Sulky on the volcanic plains in 1840, Robinson (9 Feb, p.166) noted in his diary that the ‘myrtle’ [Sweet Bursaria] was then the ‘dominant shrub … 3-4 feet [1m] high with a white flower and a scent resembling the hawthorn’.

The discovery of rich alluvial gold in Clunes in 1851 spread to other gold fields including Talbot on the roughly circular margin of the volcanic plains, leading to a greatly increased need for wood as fuel, for miners but particularly for the mines. Present day towns that boomed during the gold rush and led to almost complete decimation of all trees in forests and woodlands during by the end of the century included (in clockwise order) Talbot, Maryborough, Newstead, Castlemaine, Daylesford and Creswick.

The need for timbering underground gold mines around the edges of the plains increased during the 1870s with the development of a huge network of deep lead mines underneath the plains such as those right under Mount Greenock, west of Smeaton and around Carisbrook. The rapacious need for wood for timbering, fueling quartz batteries and driving steam pumps to dewater these mines was taken from the former extensive messmate, peppermint, box and ironbark forests growing on Great Dividing Range, on the ‘older rocks’ exposed beyond the edges of the plains as well as on ‘windows’ of very old (Ordovician) rock exposed along the river valleys. The forests on the elevated and highly erodible granitic peaks of Mount Beckwith to the south of Mount Greenock and Tarrangower were particularly hard hit. 

Importantly for this account, most of the box ironbark forests in the landscape in 1836 bordering Mount Greenock are forests today, albeit younger, considerably fragmented and diminished in extent and diversity after five decades of intensive mining, a century of intensive logging and firewood extraction and more recently removal for pine plantations on wetter sites. The most productive volcanic grasslands which are currently intensively farmed were actively managed as grasslands and woodlands by Dja Dja Wurrung people to maximize their own food production.

‘Breasts’ in the landscape: The Mammaloid Hills

Scientists tend to focus on identifying single phenomena or species. Mitchell’s 1836 efforts to classify and name the many new and curious plants and distinctive landforms he encountered was no exception. The many other breast-like, ‘mammaloid’ (also spelt ‘mammeloid’) hills Mitchell could see clustered together on the plains to the west of Mount Greenock had a particular fascination for him and later for Robinson and continued to be important waymarks before roads were created across the Polydul (Loddon River) plains.

In Mitchell’s original meteorological journal Mitchell collectively called them the ‘Mastoid Hills’. Thomas Mitchell encountered and climbed to the summit of the mammeloid hill he renamed ‘Mount Greenock’ in 1836. From its summit towards the east he could see the patchwork of woodlands and grassland on an elevated, broad plain. Punctuating these plains like huge cherries on an enormous fruitcake, he saw a whole raft of similar other, rounded, grassy peaks, that he collectively dubbed the ‘Mammeloid Hills’. 

The rounded hills whose summits were then topped by grasslands are densely clustered in a broad arc around Creswick, bounded within an area within the area of an approximate circle including Ballarat, Clunes, Glengower, Blampied and Newlyn, with one outlier as far northwest as Mount Moolort near Carisbook. Importantly, the summit of Mount Greenock is the only one of these hills still in public ownership aside from the tiny (8 ha) ‘Scenic Reserve’ close to the summit of nearby Mount Glasgow.

Breast-shaped hills, some with volcanic origins, have usually been placed in a family of ‘mamelons’. Such hills are known by a range of terms as part of a sub-set of other anthropomorphic geographic features recognised (and sometimes venerated) in landscapes and cultures across the world. 

A mountain was called ‘Didthul’ (woman’s breast) by Aboriginal people on the South Coast of New South Wales by virtue of its distinctive conical shape. Unlike all of the Victorian mammaloid hills, it was replete with a prominent ‘nipple’ on its second tier, and was renamed ‘Pigeon House Mountain’ by Captain Cook in 1770. 

Mansfield in Victoria has a lookout on one of the breast-like hills 10km west of town officially known as ‘The Paps’. ‘Maiden Hill’ is the current name of a scoria cone 8km east of Lexton on the former ‘Maiden Hills’ run briefly taken up by Henry Bowerman to the south of Mount Greenock in 1838. ‘Paps’ or ‘Maiden Paps’, rounded, breast-like hills located mostly in Scotland would have been familiar to Mitchell as he was trying to both make sense of this new landscape and impose his own, homely, Scottish order.

‘Mamelon’, from the French word ‘nipple,’ is a geological name for a breast-shaped hill, and came to be used in vulcanology during Mitchell’s era to describe a rock formation of volcanic origin where the ‘stickiness’ of the lava causes the lava to congeal around the vent and form a hill or mound at the surface. Hanging Rock in Victoria was previously regarded as a Victorian example in Bernie Joyce’s second edition of Geology of Victoria. It is possible that Mitchell would have had access to the use of the term ‘mamelon’ by the French naturalist Jean Baptiste Bory de Saint Vincent  (1778-1846) exploring and publishing in the same era. However Mount Greenock was not strictly a ‘mamelon’, as the basaltic lavas it extruded were relatively fluid.

Later pastoralists sometimes called then ‘maiden hills’ or ‘bald hills’. Where similarly shaped hills south of Kingston gave way to ‘scrub’ and ‘forest’ towards the Great Dividing Range we now have ‘Scrub Hill’ (between Newlyn and Dean) and ‘Forest Hill’ (between Kingston and Creswick), though both are now devoid of their original trees.

Mitchell was so taken by the apparently bucolic scene and the hills beyond, an image was reproduced in a lithograph ‘Mammeloid Hills from Mount Greenock’ in his subsequent book about his expeditions first published in London in 1839.[1]

The lithograph image was actually created several years later from field notes after his return to the UK in this pre-photographic era. Whilst the lithograph suggests more exaggerated peaks than a photograph, it accurately confirmed that the summits of these hills were covered in relatively open grassland. What Mitchell missed was that these hills were deliberately created and maintained as grasslands by regular and systematic Aboriginal burning.

Within five years several other mammaloid hills shown in the lithograph, then without European names, would instead bear names with Scottish squatter and geographic connections, including nearby Mount Glasgow (409m), beyond that Mount Cameron (414m), Fawcett Hill and Duntulm Hill (373m). Only the most prominent of these hills, Kooroocheang (678m) and Moorooklye (609m), both north of Smeaton, retain a public name similar to the original Aboriginal names. For most of these other distinctive hills the original Aboriginal names are either unknown or uncertain. 

Mount Greenock  and other ‘mammaloid’ hills, first described by Mitchell were not strictly ‘mamelons’ in the vulcanological sense though they are of volcanic origin. Some retain breached craters, but most are largely composed of a complex ‘mess’ of once fiery, fragmental material that accumulated, typically thrown through the air. Most of the rocks on Mount Greenock are highly vesicular (with many cavities), replete with now frozen gas bubbles and flow structures, sometimes with large and distinctive (phenocrystic) crystals, typical of those found adjacent to the throat of now extinct, once extrusive volcanoes. Much but not all of the material thrown up around Mount Greenock, now making up the crater is scoria: technically it is a ‘composite scoria cone’. 

The now familiar narratives about vulcanicity and its association with the fertile basalt plains in Victoria began very early. As early as 1846 William Westgarth’s Australia Felix book (W. Westgarth, Australia Felix, A transcription, 1846)documented what Westgarth called ‘the symptoms of extensive volcanic action … displayed over a large area of Australia Felix’ (p.13):

Numerous extinct volcanoes, having well-marked craters, are scattered over this extensive region, and give a picturesque variety to the well-grassed plains, the clumps of timber on hill and dale, and the long lines of gum trees that mark the courses of winding creeks. The scenery is in general pleasing and beautiful. So promising a country has been quickly occupied and overspread by the colonists, in rapid progress of their departure goes settlement. (p.13)

The significance of Mount Greenock in the early identification of the role of volcanicity in Australia is acknowledged in Intraplate volcanism: In Eastern Australia and New Zealand (R. Wallace-Johnson, 1980). Wallace-Johnson considered that ‘A better understanding of the Cainozoic [66 million years to the present] volcanicity of eastern Australia began with the expedition of Thomas Mitchell to western Victoria in 1836 where very young volcanism could be seen’ (p.5). 

Having previously observed the relatively young form and nature of Mount Napier, Mitchell (1838, vol. 2, p.249) rightly concluded that the volcano was relatively young. In Mitchell’s words, it ‘had been in activity in no very remote period’. When Mitchell later came across and collectively named the ‘Mammeloid hills’, including and beyond Mount Greenock consisting completely of vesicular lava, he considered them relatively old. Within a decade, ‘knowledge of the physical extent of the western Victorian lavas was well established by 1846.’ (Wallace-Johnson, p.5).

The lava typically flowed away like honey from successive eruptions, often for many kilometres away from the crater, filling and solidifying in the lowest points in the surrounding landscape, including the former north to south river valley right under Mount Greenock’s present peak and crater. 

In other places on the vast nearby volcanic plains the volcanic action was even more violent and explosive. Instead of resulting in hills and craters built up over months and years, lakes and wetlands formed in vast holes in the earth blasted in seconds, when the pent up pressure beneath the earth, or lava in contact with ground or surface water, caused huge eruptive explosions. There are good examples surrounded by low tuff (consolidated volcanic ash) rings north of Lawrence, on Tourello Creek and at Hepburn Lagoon near Kingston.

Contemporary Victorian geological map sheets colour basalt, typically found on the extensive, flatter volcanic plains and that flowed from each of these volcanoes, in pink. The mammeloid hills of Mitchell punctuating the plain appear on the same maps as distinctive coloured circles of brown in a sea of pink. These brown areas including Mount Greenock are geologically identified as:

fire fountain deposits: near vent accumulations of basaltic, pyroclastic ash, lapilli and bombs forming prominent cones; highly vesicular, partly welded, massive to layered; occasional blocks of country host rock.[2]

Their steep, outer slopes, as well as those inside their craters, like those today within and outside the Mount Franklin volcanic crater, would once have been very steep and close to the angle of sliding friction. 

While the age of the few volcanoes in western Victoria that have been accurately dated ranges from thousands to a few million years, most of the mammeloid hills in the Polydul catchment have not been dated. The conventional wisdom (mostly guesswork) has been that most are likely older than half a million years: old enough to have some of the roughest edges and steepest slopes smoothed over. The youngest of these Victorian volcanoes are certainly contemporaneous with Aboriginal occupation. 

Most of those on the rich Polodyul volcanic plains, extending north from the Great Dividing Range as far a Mount Moolort near Carisbrook, west to Mount Greenock and east to beyond Kooroocheang had been fire managed for the past 50,000 plus years as Aboriginal grasslands. Areas of excellent soil developed on the weathered basalt were regularly and carefully burned to create grasslands or open woodlands, to encourage the breeding of kangaroos and emus and the growth of murnong (Yam daisy) and other edible plants. 

Was Mount Greenock a gateway to a ‘God-given’ Eden?

The narratives of white explorers and pastoralists ‘discovering’ Australia Felix abound with religious imagery from the Christian Bible about Adam discovering the Garden of Eden, a veritable fruitful, well-watered, paradise garden created by God and ‘empty’ before Adam and Eve were placed there.

This was certainly no God given or empty Eden. These mammaloid hills and the plains around them had been cultured, shaped and named by Dja Dja Wurrung people for around one thousand generations prior to several lifetimes of subsequent white pastoralists, miners and other residents who now also call the Upper Loddon catchment home.

Most of the dozens of the hills on the volcanic grasslands have since Mitchell’s 1836 expedition been stripped of their individual Dja Dja Wurrung names. Most have been replaced, either by descriptive names (Mount Hollowback, Forest Hill, Springmount), by names of squatters (Mount Cameron; Coghill, Birch’s Leishman, Kelly and Powlett Hills) or names that link back to where white explorers and squatters came from and pined for (Mount Greenock, and Mount Glasgow). (Mounts) Kooroocheang (676m) and Moorookyle (609) are notable exceptions, though the former was renamed ‘Smeaton Hill’ by John Hepburn after his family’s Scottish (East Lothian) family Estate.

Greenock in Scotland is a town of 46,000 and administrative centre in the Inverclyde council area located in the west central Lowlands of Scotland. It forms part of a contiguous urban area with Gourock to the west and Port Glasgow to the east.’ There is no ‘Mount Greenock’ but Lyle Hill (130m, which I have been to the top of by car in Scotland) provides an excellent panoramic view over Greenock and the Firth of Clyde.

These hills aside, most of the basalt plains around them are relatively flat, since the basalt, having filled the pre-existing, north-trending river valleys with lava, spread north right across the pre-existing landscape. Where these now buried river gravels had flowed across gold bearing quarts reefs in Ordovician (around 450 million year old) bedrock, the alluvial gold was trapped and hidden beneath the basalt plains.

The volcanic hill and plain ecosystems provided critically important water, plant and animal resources and relatively high population densities for Dja Dja Wurrung peoples, and also for the squatter’s sheep and cattle that followed hard on Mitchell’s tracks. However it what was mined as surface, alluvial gold, often in ‘lateral streams’ developed along the margins of the basalt flows that (like McCallum Creek to the east of Mount Greenock) provoked the great Australian gold rush, beginning in 1851 in Clunes. 

A second rush occurred in the Allendale area near Creswick once miners realised, by around 1876 that some of the richest alluvial gold actually extended under the basalt, which was mined for the rest of the century in huge ‘deep lead’ mines tapping into the sometime nuggetty sub-basaltic gravels. The legacy of this second rush can be seen in the pointy piles of mullock and quartz gravels where the mines were rich, as in the ‘Berry Deep Lead’ system west of Smeaton. The more extensive the tailings are, the richer the mine was.

Within 50 years of Mitchell’s ‘naming’ of Mount Greenock, the volcanic landscape and plains ecosystems had been fundamentally transformed: between 1838 and 1851 mainly by squatters, and from 1851 for the rest of that century by every conceivable form of gold mining. First it was alluvial mining where gold was literally at the surface in existing rivers and creeks. Next it was the relatively shallow subsurface deposits associated with stranded prior stream courses such as at Majorca. Miners sometimes followed gold to its source in the quartz bearing veins in the tightly folded Ordovician shale and slate bedrock via deep shafts, as well as via shafts driven through the basalt into the deep lead gravels.

What about Mount Greenock today?

The current boundaries of the ‘Mount Greenock Geological Reserve’ are most obvious in mid-summer when the whole reserve is seriously denuded by overgrazing on the steep, rocky slopes as well as in the crater. The current management regime for the reserve certainly encourages erosion and very effectively exposes the rocks. However it raises serious questions about the many other more sustainable values that might be enhanced though management practices other than sheep or cattle grazing at intensities far higher than those in surrounding privately owned paddocks.

‘Agriculture Victoria Online’[3] notes on Mount Greenock provide a concise contemporary geological description.

This is a tall scoria cone with a broad shallow crater open to the northwest. In the crater are blocks and bombs of scoriaceous basalt. Long lava flows extend both north and south from the cone. The flow to the north has been eroded by McCallum Creek, which is a lateral stream. On the eastern base of the cone, the stream valley exposes a lava flow and underlying sedimentary rocks. The lava flow and the scoria cone overlie the Greenock lead (a buried valley with auriferous gravels). A line of mine tailing and abandoned mining relics occur on the margins of the lava flow.

This is an outstanding example of a volcano and lava flow associated with a deep lead. It is one of the few large scoria cones on public land and contains abundant outcrop and morphological evidence of its volcanic origin. It has the potential for extensive educational use in earth and social science study.

The ‘Mount Greenock Geological Reserve’ in 2022 includes the summit, most of the breached crater and part of the McCallum Creek frontage. The reserve also includes some of the late 1800s alluvial and sub-surface mines north and south of the mountain that tapped into the gold bearing gravels running right under the mountain within the Mount Greenock deep lead. 

The buried, pre-volcanic auriferous (gold-bearing) gravels run north south right under the crater. Today the white, pointed ‘mullock’ heaps and quartz gravels mark previous underground mine sites that are visible from the Mount Greenock summit. They form two lines dotted across the volcanic plains: to the south towards Mount Beckworth and north toward Red Lion and Majorca. At the southern foot of Mount Greenock, incorporated into the same Geological Reserve, is the former Union Mine site.

A tall, tapered monument on the summit was erected in 1936 to celebrate the centenary of ‘Mitchell’s journeying’ in 1836. The monument originally held a marble tablet, quite recently replaced with a less jingoistic inscription.

The Age (28 Sept 1936) recorded the 1936 celebrations which included a recreation of the present monument’s erection.

TALBOT, Monday. — The celebrations in connection with the centenary of Major Mitchell’s journeyings to Mount Greenock took place on Saturday afternoon though a bitterly cold wind was blowing, with sleet falling at intervals, some 300 persons were present. … From the summit of the mount a representation of the progress of Major Mitchell’s party was watched with interest, twelve horsemen making a spectacular sight. At the conclusion of the proceedings visitors from Melbourne and other centres were entertained at the A.N.A. [Australian Natives Association[4]] Hall. 

Whilst there are few obvious signs in 2022 welcoming the public into or onto the Mount Greenock Reserve (and zero likelihood of a similarly jingoistic 200th celebratory recreation in 2036), members of the public are able to access the reserve by vehicle at one point and on foot (through the fence) at two other points. There is reasonable public vehicle access via a gate on the Ballarat Maryborough Road between Dunach and Talbot. It leads via an all-weather gravel road to a parking area next to the former Union Mine site. There is some basic, dated, mainly Mitchell-related interpretation at the Union Mine but no services. 

A stile over a fence above the interpretive sign leads to a series of (mainly cattle) tracks that lead up a steep and sometimes rocky slope to two separate stone cairns on the Mount Greenock summit. The previous inscription on the tallest cairn towards the south commemorating Major Mitchell has recently been removed.

There is also road access (albeit through the fence) from the north along Greenock Road as well as via the creek that flows out of the crater on Mitchell Road to the west. A smaller Parks Victoria ‘Scenic Reserve’ (again with zero notice about legitimate public access to the similarly spectacular summit views) is located NW of the end of the Mount Glasgow (summit) road.

The steep climb to the Mount Greenock summit from the Union Mine site begins with a climb over a stile just uphill of the mine site and is basically across a hillside through a grazed paddock strewn with cow pats and rocks, some of which are scoriaceous and light enough to float in water, but affords magnificent views from the summit in all directions. Typically it is windy on top and on a cold day (as experienced, above, in late September 1936), freezing.

With all of the above in mind, it should also be a place beyond 2022 for deep thought, evidence based management, reflection, reconciliation and renewal.

[1] ‘Three expeditions into the interior of eastern Australia’, Vol. 2, Adelaide, Library Board of South Australia, 1965.

[2] Geological Survey of Victoria, 1: 50,000 Geological Map (2000), Stratigraphic legend. Most mammaloid hills are found on the Maryborough, Waubra, Creswick and Campbelltown map sheets.

[3] Eruption Points of the Newer Volcanic Province of Victoria, N. Rosengren (1994), report prepared for the National Trust of Australia (Victoria) and Geological Society of Australia (Victorian Division). The review of eruption points was based on an earlier unpublished manuscript Catalogue of the post-Miocene volcanoes of Victoria (O. P. Singleton & E. B. Joyce (Geology Department, University of Melbourne, 1970).

[4] ANA was formed as a mutual society in Melbourne in 1871 with membership being restricted to white men born in Australia. The ANA was one of the last Australian pressure groups to support the White Australia Policy. While this policy was wound down in the decades after the Second World War and totally abolished by 1970, a few members continued to support it until the 1970s. In 1993, it merged with Manchester Unity IOOF.

Guildford-Strangways Walk Notes

Barry Golding

These notes have been prepared by Barry Golding for the 9 km public walk on 22 May 2022 along part of the disused Castlemaine to Maryborough railway line. The walk, organised by Great Dividing Trail Association (see in collaboration with Castlemaine Maryborough Rail Trail Inc. (see starts at Guildford and includes a 6 km section of the railway easement to Strangways. Thanks to all who contributed content to these notes, particularly to Clive Willman and Stephen Carey, who also generously contribute their expertise on the day.

One aim of this walk is to provide locals and visitors with a unique opportunity (with one-off VicTrack permission) to sample and celebrate the potential of this small section of the former broad-gauge (1,600 mm) railway track (with rail and ballast still in place) as part of a longer planned public walking and bike riding track. The other is to provide opportunities to interpret and understand the many layers and dimensions of heritage and communities which the rail easement provides access to. Given approximately 100 people are participating, not everyone will have access to what we sees along the way. Thus these extra notes.

START: Guildford Railway Station Site


  • Acknowledgement we are walking on Dja Dja Wurrung Country.
  • Thanks to everyone for coming. Today’s walk was a celebration of intended new beginnings as well as a glimpse into evidence and stories about the past.
  • Thanks in terms of the organisation behind the scenes by the GDTA and CM Rail Trail Committees, with particular thanks to Mick Evans, Steve Foskey, Bob Forde, Ken Dowling & Gib Wettenhall. Bob negotiated hard and long with VicTrack for GDTA to conclude our one-off contract, providing access today on several conditions, including not walking over the delightful high level Loddon River rail bridge at Guildford.
  • With the Loddon now flowing, our route back to the rail easement via Franzi St is thus a compromise. It is a big group, but our intent is to keep most of the group together until after we again hit the rail easement. We anticipate having a little ceremony at 1 in Strangways pm to unveil an appropriate plaque just near the end of the walk just a few hundred metres from the nearby lunch site on the Loddon.
  • Non-GDTA members should already have paid $5 in cash as ‘visitors’ to cover the walker insurance insisted on by VicTrack. If you’ve not done so, see myself or Mick. We encourage visitors to consider joining GDTA if they want to walk with us again and to support CM Rail Trail Association. See information below about GDTA membership options and about the rest of GDTA’s monthly walks in 2022.
  • Masks are not necessary but a reminder that COVID is still very active: if you have active COVID or any cold or flu symptoms you should not be walking with others today.
  • We are joined today by Ray Pattle, a Guildford local historian. If you want to dig more into Guildford history which we can only briefly touch on today, chat to Ray, co-author with Ken James & Max Kay of ‘A History of Guildford’. Their 492 page book won the ‘best self-published book’ at the 2016 Victorian Community History Awards.
  • We’ll have four main interpretive stops in the vicinity of Guildford, with some others on the rail easement and one at the end.
  • A few reminders: a community bus and 10 cars are at the end of the walk to get people back to the start with a first priority to DRIVERS. We encourage you to join the BYO picnic lunch at the end accompanied by an unveiling of a plaque commemorating today’s walk and a shared commitment to make this rail easement a new highway for walkers and bike riders. This is planned for 1pm.

Interpretation at the Guildford Station site

  • The Loddon River and Campbells Creek which meet in Guildford and the surrounding volcanic grasslands were of strategic importance to Dja Dja Wurrung people for millennia, providing similarly easy access from 1837 to invading explorers including Aitken & Learmonth, and overlanding squatters from 1838 including John Hepburn. From the 1850s the gold in the rivers & creeks was mined, then the gold-bearing river gravels under the basalt. In some places the Loddon Valley below where we walk today was extensively dredged as recently as the 1950s. The same river valley has since become an easy route for today’s highways & railways and now for the planned Castlemaine-Maryborough Rail Trail.
  • This area reeks of a perplexing and rarely discussed history. These large, rounded quartz pebbles from the nearby railway cutting last rolled around in ancient streams several million years ago. Barry found this Chinese pottery shard amongst the former station debris just this week: unsurprisingly, as around 6,000 Chinese miners were once camped in the valley below us. Only one train ever passed over the new railway bridge spanning the main road.
  • Where we are standing next to the former Guildford Railway Station Platform, we can see two horizontal tunnels, called ‘adits’ driven into the ancient bedrock beneath the basalt. These tunnels provided convenient access to solid ground (and often incredibly rich gold) directly beneath the relatively unstable river gravels. These gravels up to 50m thick were sealed off by subsequent basalt flows which today form the top of the Guilford Plateau. Our first stop after this is at the Guildford Lookout on the top of a remnant part of the original plateau. It’s a reasonably steep climb up and down the gravel road to the lookout. Anyone who decides not to walk it might drive up before we get there, wait at the bottom or even have a cuppa at the Guildford General Store.
  • The Castlemaine-Maryborough Railway Line, formerly known as the Moolort Railway Line is a cross-country line connecting Maryborough and Castlemaine across the Moolort Plains west of Newstead. The last passenger rail service operated between Castlemaine and Maryborough on 31 July 1977. Ballast trains used to run from Moolort to Maryborough but on 17 Dec 2004, the line from Moolort to Maldon Junction at Winters Flat was closed. Some level crossings have been asphalted over, however the rails are in effect still beneath. The line passes south from Castlemaine through Campbells Creek, Yapeen, and Guildford before trending west through Newstead, Moolort, and Carisbrook before joining the Mildura line at Maryborough.
  • Castlemaine Maryborough Rail Trail Association (CMRT) was founded in 2021 to transform the disused 55 km Castlemaine to Maryborough rail corridor into a world-class recreational trail, that can be used by cyclists, walkers and horse riders of all ages and abilities. CMRT want to connect communities, defend safe travel, encourage prosperity, look after the bush and tell amazing stories of places and people. CMRT uses grassroots action to inspire communities and spur governments to lead the charge to establish a new trail in Central Victoria. Its community outreach aims to rally people of all ages and backgrounds behind the idea of a trail. To build a trail, they need to build a movement. Mount Alexander Shire Council and Central Goldfields Shire Council are supporting CMRT in their application for a Grant from Regional Development Victoria to finance a comprehensive Feasibility Study to investigate the opportunities that a Community Recreation Trail between Maryborough and Castlemaine would provide. Please help them in whatever way you can ‘down the track’.

STOP 1: The Guildford Plateau from the Lookout

  • The stone platform provides excellent vistas of the area, with a fingerboard identifying the main towns and visible peaks. The monument was erected in 1988 as Bicentennial Project via the then Shire of Newstead. It is also a memorial to respected local Guildford resident Alfred Passalaqua, who died in 1964 and whose forebears came to Newstead from Italy in 1851.
  • The brass fingerboard was added in 2005, with distances to four of the 22 (theoretically) visible peaks: 21 km NW to Tarrengower & 25 km NE to Mount Alexander (Leanganoook), 11 km south to Mount Franklin (Larni Barramul) and 20 km SW to Kooroocheang. The PeakFinder app (highly recommended for $8) suggests on an ideal day with no trees, Mount Buangor (987 m) would be visible to the west. Directions to the main towns and cities are also indicated. At this point we are just 10 km from Castlemaine, 50 km from Bendigo, 65 km from Ballarat and 105 km to Melbourne.

Guildford Plateau: An ‘upside-down’ Landscape (credit, Clive Willman)

  • We don’t often see mesa-like hills in Victoria but the Guildford Plateau is a wonderful example. The story starts around 40 million years ago when the ancient Loddon River carved its way from the Glenlyon headwaters. This was a vigorous stream formed in a high-rainfall period. We know from pollen and spores in lignite found beneath the basalt cap that the deep valley was full of rainforest species such as Southern beech (Nothofagus genus), ferns and maybe the odd freshwater crocodile. Over time the Loddon Valley filled with clay, sand, gravel and gold, forming a stream bed up to 50 m thick. But in one catastrophic event, within the last 4.5 million years, the Glenlyon volcanoes sent a rush of lava northwards. Lava spread like honey seeking any valley it could find instantly burying the ancient gravels and their contained gold.
  • Since then, erosion has lowered the entire surrounding landscape, but not the hard basalt. The basalt was eroded away in some places but mostly it was left high and dry as a series of isolated mesas, like the beautiful Guildford Plateau.
  • Guildford marks the edge of the volcanic country and its lava flows. North of here, gold could be found easily, but south and west of here, the old alluvial valleys were covered by the lava flows, and mining generally had to follow ‘deep leads’ below the basalt. Valleys like this one, where rivers had already done some of the work, still promised easily won alluvial gold. In front of you at the base of the escarpment, at the junction of the Loddon River and Campbells Creek is a wide river flat which was once the site of one of the largest Chinese townships on an Australian goldfield.
  • Many plant and animal species up here on the volcanic plains were well adapted and enhanced by regular burning by Dja Dja Wurrung peoples, and very few have survived. One of the hardy exceptions, which most people don’t recognise, is the Tree Violet, Melicytus dentatus. There are quite a few ancient Tree Violets on the fence line north of the access road not far from the viewing platform. Some individual plants like this one are likely to over 150 years oldWe will see them today from a distance, surviving amongst rocky outcrops on the edge of the Guildford Plateau, hanging on along fence lines or doggedly avoiding sheep grazing in open paddocks for over a century, because its leaves grow behind very sharp thorns, giving it the perfect in-built tree guard. 

Stop 2: The Loddon River & the Guildford Township

  • The Loddon River is the second longest river in Victoria (392km) after the Goulburn (the Murray is technically in NSW). It drains 15,000 square km.
  • It rises in the high rainfall country on the Great Divide around Lyonville and enters the Murray River north of Kerang flowing eventually into the sea near Goolwa in South Australia. Townships on the Loddon upstream include Guildford, Glenluce and Vaughan Springs. Downstream townships include Strangways (where our walk ends), Newstead, Baringhup and Bridgewater before entering the Murray River north of Kerang.
  • Downstream of Newstead in deep pools, huge Murray Cod and Macquarie Perch were once abundant. Tree clearing, agriculture, mining sludge and damming by Cairn Curran and Laanecoorie reservoirs and several weirs downstream all but wiped them out, but they have been reintroduced at some sites.
  • There are very rich gold bearing river gravels under the basalt, deposited by the ancient Campbells Creek and the Loddon River. By 1860, around 6,000 Chinese diggers occupied ground on Taylor’s Paddock at the river junction. Adjacent to their mine workings, the Chinese formed ‘quite a township’ which included, among other things, two circuses. Sluicing and dredging operations during the twentieth century removed all trace of Chinese occupation. By 1861 the Mining Surveyors monthly report observed that the Chinese had ‘… regularly formed streets (although very dirty and very narrow), and excellent buildings of paling and weatherboard, consisting, in many instances, of two stories. These buildings are tastefully decorated both inside and out …. The largest erections area used as cook-shops, eating houses, gambling and opium saloons … If the amount of noise and confusion is any criterion, I should imagine the Chinese in this locality are doing remarkably well’.

Brief post-contact history of Guildford

  • By the 1840s huge pastoral runs had been established. From 1851 gold miners from all over the world, including many Chinese, flocked to the area during the rush at the Mount Alexander goldfields. Anti-Chinese hostility, combined with discriminatory taxation against Chinese miners, saw the Chinese population dwindle and eventually most had departed by the end of the gold rush.
  • The first hotel in Guildford opened in 1854 but was destroyed by fire in 1857. The current Delmenico’s Guildford Family Hotel dates back to this era. Other former hotels included the Farmers Arms and the Commercial Hotel (1865) which now serves as the general store. A school was built and a Post Office opened in 1860, followed by the Anglican Church in 1861.The Catholic Church and the Wesleyan Chapel are now both private properties. In 1919 an Avenue of Honour was planted along the main road using London Plane trees, to commemorate locals who fought in World War I.
  • The Swiss-Italian connection and the Ron Barassi memorial: Ron Barassi, well known Melbourne footballer was born in Castlemaine in 1936 and spent his formative years in Guildford. He is a descendant of the Swiss Italian settlers in the area in the 1870s. The bronze bust opposite the Guildford General Store (which began as a pub in the 1860s) was donated by the Vingt Cinq Club (a Melbourne-based sporting Club) as a tribute to one of their long standing members commemorating Ron’s 80th birthday, 27 Feb 2016.

STOP 3: The ‘Big Tree’ at Guildford

  • ‘The Big Tree’: one of the largest Red Gums (Eucalyptus camaldulensis) in Victoria (height 32 m; basal diameter 3 m, age at least 500 years). It has a large branch graft on its northern side. John Hepburn likely camped nearby on his way to ‘take up’ his run around Kooroocheang in April 1838. The brass plaque records Burke and Wills and party camping here in 1860 on their ill-fated northern expedition.
  • It is listed as a tree of State significance on the National Trust’s Register of Significant Trees of Victoria for its “outstanding size, curious fusion of branches, as an outstanding example of the species and as an important landmark“. The National Trust regards its conservation as vital to the local community and the State as a whole.
  • Due to its great age, numerous hollows have formed within the tree, providing habitat for many creatures. This tree is an ecosystem which sustains a wide range of bird and animal life including magpies, rosellas, lorikeets, parrots, kookaburras, wood ducks, boobook owls, honey eaters, numerous species of insects, native bees and possums.
  • Already an ancient giant when the first white invaders arrived in the late 1830s, the Big Tree has played an important part in the cultural and social life of the Guildford community. This tree survives as an important symbol and a link between the community and its traditional owners, the Dja Dja Wurrung Aboriginal Nation.

Stop 4: The Franzi Street Railway Cutting in the Ordovician bedrock

  • Most railways including this one necessitate a gentle gradient, ideally of less than one in 400 with relatively wide curves. In a cutting east of where Franzi Street hits the railway easement, look out for a ‘rail lubricator,’ used to reduce rail wear on curves by delivering a metered quantity of lubricant from a reservoir to a location on the gauge face of the rail head where it was picked up by wheel flanges of passing vehicles.
  • As a result of the need for gentle gradient and wide curves, cuttings are sometimes necessary which excite geologists by providing excellent samples of the rocks and geological history along the way. Much of this particular rail easement nearly east-west all the way to Strangways, cutting into and neatly across the axis of the north-south folded Ordovician (444-485 million year old) shales and sandstones which comprise the bedrock of much of the Victorian goldfields. 
  • Geologists Clive Willman and Steve Carey will stand at the cutting and explain what we are seeing. In summary, there is a series of folds including an anticline (top of a folds) and a syncline (bottom of a folds). In places we can see quartz injected into the complex network of cracks. In some places the discrete bands of siltstone and sandstone show evidence of disturbances which happened on the sea floor 460 million years ago In some places, the originally flat ‘bedding planes’ on the sea floor are obscured by almost vertical ‘cleavage planes’ created as part of the folding process. In other places the complex, random patterns are caused by the weathering of iron.
  • The reason these folds are basically north south is because these ancient sediments were squeezed at depth over millions of years by east west pressure. In the process of being folded, fracture and faults developed and became pathways for the passage of aqueous fluids. It was from these fluids that quartz and its associated gold were precipitated.
  • The gold was rich enough in places to be mined deep underground in the bedrock. In other places, millions of years of erosion of the bedrock and quartz veins resulted in gold being concentrated close to the surface in ancient and modern river gravels. If covered by basalt, these ancient gravels were effectively ‘locked away’, though in some places they were eroded out by modern rivers including along the Loddon.
  • The fine mudstone layers in the bedrock of the broader Castlemaine area contain fossils of former colonial marine organisms known as graptolites. Graptolites are very useful for determining the age of the bedrock layers. Their diverse forms, their rapid evolution over during and after the Ordovician, and their ability to float across ancient seas allows particular assemblages of graptolites to be accurately dated and compared with the same species that are found all over the world. It is thus possible to date discrete layers of rock to unravel the complex fold and fault structures in the bedrock across Victoria. Some of these layers have been named after local places: thus the Yapeenian, the Castlemainian, Bendigonian, Chewtonian and Lancefieldian graptolite assemblages. Clive Willman’s careful mapping of the geology of the Castlemaine area confirmed that despite the complexity of the folds, it is also possible to map discrete beds of silt and sandstone over many kilometres.
  • Beyond this point on Franzi Street, the railway track and our walk basically heads west, following the contours along the south side of the Loddon River and river valley. The edge of the Guildford Plateau is to our north, and at times along the way, we cut though the same tightly folded Ordovician bedrock. 
  • We welcome you to walk at your own pace beyond here. However our intention is to have the BYO lunch together on the Loddon River at the end of the walk, where we’ll also have our last interpretive chat and at approx. 1pm also unveil a plaque commemorative of today’s first of (hopefully) many walks. So there’s no rush and lots to else see and talk about with others along the way …

Stop 5 (along the way): The Deep Lead Mines tapping into the sub-basaltic gravels

  • The course of gold bearing river gravels under the basalt cap north of here were identified during the late 1800s by exploratory shafts and tunnels and later by extensive drilling. These gravels were accessed and mined in two main ways. One was by means of shafts driven down through the basalt and using extensive horizontal ‘drives’ to mine out the gravels. 
  • The other way, common here on the edges of the Guildford Plateau was by means of adits driven horizontally into the side of a valley underneath the gravels. In many cases, extensive timbering, dewatering and removal of the gold were necessary. All of this required huge amounts of timber to feed the boilers or to line the tunnels and shafts. It led by 1900 not only to the almost complete removal of local forests and woodlands, but also to enormous volumes of sludge. The sediments under the broad Loddon River valley to Newstead and beyond had accumulated enough gold allow for profitable mining using huge bucket wheel dredges which typically floated in their own pool. This mining phase involving dredging occurred mainly in the early 20th century. Dozens of dredges ‘chomped’ their way along the largest streams such as Larni barramul yaluk (formerly Jim Crow Creek), Campbells Creek and the Loddon River. 
  • The downstream mess created by all this mining led to the Victorian Sludge Abatement Board, an early predecessor of the current Environment Protection Authority. The almost total loss of local forests led by 1900 also led to the creation of Forestry Commissions and the training of foresters in Creswick. See 2019 book, Sludge: Disaster on the Victorian Goldfields by Peter Davies & Susan Lawrence.

Stop 6: (along the way) Remnant Vegetation 

Railway easements like this with remnant vegetation which have fenced out stock for over 150 years have become important linear reserves in many places, with the potential to preserve species and ecosystems otherwise lost by clearing and agriculture and provide links between other public reserves.  The railway easement generally cuts across and preserves a wide range of remnant local eucalypt, shrub, grass and wildflower species. It will be important to enhance this easement by future replanting of local species and via weed, vermin and fire management.

FINAL STOP 7: The Loddon Valley at Strangways

  • At this point we are on the fertile Loddon River flats, a former, important Aboriginal highway. We are also just south of the former Strangways railway yards. To the south up the ‘Jim Crow Creek’ is a small amount of fertile volcanic soil that later became the centre of the former Loddon Aboriginal Protectorate at Franklinford from mid-1841.  The current main road between Newstead and Franklinford south-east of here follows narrow tongues of volcanic grasslands straddled by forested sandstone country. These grassy tablelands would have been Aboriginal highways leading through the Great Divide and much of the way to Ballan. The Loddon River flats downstream at Newstead are on the main Aboriginal highway that Thomas Mitchell followed in October 1836 and which was later referred to as ‘Mitchell’s Line’. It became the Gold Escort route to Adelaide during the 1850s. 
  • During 1837 several pastoralists used this river highway along the Loddon to explore for new country to invade beyond already ‘taken up areas’. One group including Aitken (at Mount Aitken, after whom Mount Aitken was named) swung up past Mount Macedon (Terawait) and Mount Alexander (Leanganook), along the Loddon and back to Corio via Ercildoune. Another group including Thomas Learmonth explored north from Buninyong, via Dowling Forest along the Loddon and back to Melbourne via Kyneton.
  • Near where we are standing was home station of the Bough Yards pastoral run once managed by Alex Kennedy (1801-1877) which stretched south of the Loddon to the east well beyond Guildford. To the north of the Loddon was the Strathloddon pastoral run commenced in 1840 by his relation, William Campbell (1810-1896) after whom Campbells Creek is named. Campbell became one of Australia’s richest pastoralists, with interests in at least 18 pastoral runs nationally.
  • In the alluvial gold-mining era Strangways had several hotels, a school, store and Martin’s blacksmith’s forge. A large hall at the former Strangways Hotel was the venue for balls during the Newstead Show and the Oddfellows’ anniversaries. The surviving No. 1538 Strangways pink-red brick school building 1.5 km north via School Road (opened 1875) which closed in 1964 was somewhat larger than contemporaneous country schools in the area. The Strangways township and district including Guildford were administered by the Shire of Newstead from 1865 until amalgamation into the Mount Alexander Shire in 1995.
  • The huge quartz boulder on the road easement to the Loddon River near where today’s commemorative post and plaque has been erected was taken out of the gold-bearing gravels on the edge of the Guildford plateau by Don Hepburn (who still lives opposite). It is an indication of how much bigger the streams were that buried by the basalt several million years ago. Imagine what huge, ancient river eroded and moved this boulder along the stream.
  • The area near the former Strangways railway yards became important in the early 1841 as Edward Parker looked the area as a Plan B as the original site at Neereman (on the Loddon north of Baringhup, which GDTA visits on the Sunday 3 July 2022 walk) proved unsuitable. Lyon Campbell and other local squatters strongly objected. The objection was mainly because this area was already taken up by stations and was too close to what had become the main ‘overlanding’ highway on Mitchell’s Line between Sydney and Portland.
  • There was a revival of gold dredging and hydraulic sluicing along Larni barramul yaluk and the Loddon River during the 1930s into the 1950s. Mining ceased in part because the mining sludge would have impacted on the Cairn Curran reservoir, constructed above Baringhup between 1947 and 1956.

Lunch Stop

  • The recommended BYO lunch stop is down the end of the fenced off lane to the Loddon River, on a grassy rise above the gravel banks approx. 100 m to the right across a mostly dry creek bed. This is a delightful and accessible picnic spot any time, particularly in summer if the Loddon is flowing, for safe shallow water swimming and gold panning. The fenced off lane is leased by the local famers, but public access is permitted via this laneway to the river verge (but shut the gate).
  • Drivers (and those with tight deadlines) will have first priority getting a lift back to their cars at the start, either on the community bus or via cars parked at the end. Please be patient as it may take some time to ferry everyone.

About the Great Dividing Trail

Over 300 km in length, the Great Dividing Trail Network (GDTN) has from its outset been community-planned and developed from the bottom up, first by a group of bushwalkers and now mountain bike riders and trail runners. At the heart of the goldfields region, the GDTN is the longest distance inland network of tracks in Victoria. Close to Melbourne, it links cities and towns that are closely spaced and it offers what many have described as a ‘European’ experience – walkers and cyclists are always close to history, cultural heritage, forests, cities and villages, accommodation, tourism services, cultural events and good food and wine. Users can ‘step on and step off’ the track at a number of places, completing short, day or overnight trips. The GDTN offers plenty of opportunities for mixing with local people and unexpected learning experiences.

Why join the GDTA?

None of this has happened without the support of people at ground level. By joining, you become part of a member-run, non-profit incorporated association, the Great Dividing Trail Association (GDTA). Annual individual membership from June 2022 is $30: sign up at

The GDTA initiated the network 30 years ago and continues to work with land managers and Goldfields Track Inc to promote and maintain both ‘legs’ of the network – the Lerderderg Track and the Goldfields Track. We are the advocates for the GDTN; the engine room that keeps the network in good shape and has produced the maps and guidebooks, which opens up its secrets and stories. By paying a small annual membership fee, you can become part of this. 

The $30 annual individual membership has added benefits. You will receive monthly alerts and updates to our guided Walks & Rides Program, where you can meet people who share a love of nature and heritage in all its forms and want to get off the beaten track. Our news and event bulletin, GDTA POST will let you know what we’re doing and tell you about member-only events like our annual spring lunch after a Walk & Ride. You will receive advance notice about any new publications, such as our new Lerderderg Track map and the Central Victorian Highlands Walk and Ride Circuits guide. 

You could join the GDTA Facebook page that reports on what’s happening around the network and what members are up to. Members can become ‘track warriors,’ joining work crews that aid in the network’s never-ending maintenance needs. We conduct regular patrols, reporting back on issues such as fallen trees; as well as carrying out supervised track maintenance, such as replacing damaged posts.

Forthcoming GDTA Guided Walks & Rides, 2022

DatesWalk/Ride (area)LeadersDifficulty
Sun May 22Walk: Castlemaine-Maryborough Rail Trail with CM Rail Trail Inc. (Guildford)Barry Golding & Mick EvansEasy
Sun Jun 19Walk: Union Jack Reserve & Woowookarung Regional Park (Ballarat-Buninyong)Mike Gustus & Bill CaseyMedium
Sun July 3Walk: Neereman Aboriginal Protectorate (Baringhup, NAIDOC week) GoldingEasy
Sun Jul 17Walk: Sebastopol Gully (Dry Diggings Track)Ed ButlerMed-Hard
Sun Aug 21Walk: Garfield Wheel and Welsh Village (Chewton)Mick EvansMedium
Sun Sep 18Walk: Loddon Water Race (Glenlyon)Tim Bach & Ed ButlerHard
Sun Oct 9Ride:  Chocolate Mill (Hepburn Springs)Ben LohseMedium
Sun Oct 23Walk: Cuttings and Culverts (Wombat Forest, Mollongghip) GDTA Members’ Lunch Gib WettenhallEasy
Sun Nov 6Ride: TBABen Lohse 
Sun Nov 20Walk: Franklinford Aboriginal ProtectorateBarry GoldingEasy
Sun  Dec 4Walk: Eureka Stockade (Ballarat: Walk, Picnic and Swim)Gib WettenhallEasy

Creswick Heritage Walk, CRESFEST 2022 Notes

Notes for CRESFEST GDTA ‘Creswick Heritage Walk’ participants

 2 & 3 April 2022

Barry Golding

Essential Registration Information

As a part of CRESFEST 2022, the Great Dividing Trail Association (GDTA) presents the ‘Creswick Heritage Walk’ led and interpreted by Barry Golding. This 8.5km walk is rated medium difficulty, with some steep slopes. The loop walk includes the historic Creswick Forestry School arboretum and grounds, the La Gerche Trail, excellent regional views of the volcanic plains from Brackenbury Hill and the picturesque St Georges Lake and Creswick Creek.


The URL registration addresses for the two GDTA Heritage Walks as part of CRESFESR are as below:



WHERE: Meet at the Creswick Information Centre

WHEN: 8am-10am, Saturday & Sunday 2 & 3 April

DETAILS: Those registered will meet at 7.45am to sign in, and will require reasonable walking fitness, suitable walking footwear and dress for the predicted weather. Non-GDTA members who pre-register will need to bring $5 cash on the day to cover the cost of walker insurance as GDTA guests. Registrants will meet at the Creswick Tourist Information Centre at 7.45am for an 8.00 am departure. The loop walk includes the historic Creswick Forestry School arboretum and grounds, the La Gerche Trail, excellent regional views of the volcanic plains from Brackenbury Hill and the picturesque St Georges Lake and Creswick Creek. Participants will require reasonable walking fitness and sturdy footwear for a route which includes several hills and will need to dress for the predicted weather on the day.

Notes for Slower or Time-poor Registrants

We anticipate a diverse range of walkers will register, and some will be slower and less fit than others. The most likely completion time for the whole 8.5km walk is before 10.30am. Anyone who is slower and/or needs to get back by 10am will have the option (after around 3km of walking) to take a guided short-cut back to the start.

Additional Interpretive Notes

We’ll stop briefly a couple of times along the way to chat about what we are seeing. These additional notes are for people who’d like extra information or later reading about several interesting heritage features and sites, in the order we experience them on the walk.

Copies of the ‘Creswick Heritage Walk’ brochure (produced by GDTA with a Hepburn Shire community grant), which includes an excellent map and other useful information if you want to later independently explore the same walk, will be distributed to registrants on the day. The map is available for download via the GDTA website: The entire walk is marked by distinctive gold-topped wooden posts. It can be walked in either direction by following the arrows on these posts, but having a map is highly recommended.

Dja Dja Wurrung Country

Our walk is on southern Dja Dja Wurrung Country. We pay our respects to Dja Dja Wurrung Elders past, present and emerging. The extensive and rich volcanic grasslands that we see to the north from Brackenbury Hill, then as now, were systematically burnt. These grassland ssupported some of the highest population densities of First Nations peoples in inland Australia before the squatter invasion across the volcanic plains from 1838, after Mitchell’s ‘exploration’ and discovery of this already mapped, named and cultured landscape he dubbes ‘Australia Felix’ in 1836. 

The southern Dja Dja Wurrung boundary approximates the Great Dividing Range to the south. Most of the Dja Dja Wurrung Nation centres on the catchments of the north flowing Loddon, Avoca and Coliban Rivers, extending north to Boort, west to Avoca and the Pyrenees, and east to Bendigo and Mount Macedon.

1980s Laminated Timber Bridge

We pass beyond the IGA carpark over Creswick Creek via one of the first laminated timber bridges, designed by the former Creswick Shire Engineer, Brian Schreenan and lowered onto its concrete footings in the 1980s. The fact that is made entirely of wood is a nod to Creswick’s rich forestry heritage.

Former Victorian School of Forestry

We walk up the hill through the picturesque and historic grounds of the current Creswick Campus, University of Melbourne, School of Ecosystem and Forest Sciences. Previously the ‘Victorian School of Forestry’ from October 1910, the main building was built almost 50 years before in 1863 as the Creswick Hospital during the peak of the alluvial gold rush. The School grounds include an extensive, historic Arboretum and the Victorian era Tremearne House, built by the Hospital’s resident medical officer Dr John Tremearne in 1881. For most of its life, the Forestry School accepted only male students. Unsurprisingly, many early foresters resident as young men in Creswick, most without cars, married daughters of Creswick area families. 

The expansive Forestry School site includes a range of largely under-utilised buildings from a range of eras and previous uses, most related to land, timber and forest management. For a detailed history of the Forestry School, see One hundred years of forestry education by Rob Youl, Brian Fry & Ron Hateley.

La Gerche Trail

John La Gerche (1845-1914) was a local pioneering and visionary forester, committed to reversing the almost total destruction of Creswick area forests from the 1840s to 1910 associated with gold mining. John almost single-handedly propagated and planted around 19,000 native and introduced trees, many of which were then both radical and experimental. La Gerche’s lasting legacy is an extensive mixed species forest of historic and significant trees, many of which are named and now over 140 years old.

Our walk today includes most (but not all) of the 3km La Gerche Trail, which starts at a carpark near the current Parks Victoria office (for those who wish to walk the whole Trail at a more leisurely pace on a return visit). Our walk leaves the La Gerche Trail and climbs up to Brackenbury Hill. 

We pass the former Forestry School stables in Sawpit Gully, comprised of buildings relocated in 1918 from the new Australasian Gold Mine. There are many ‘Sawpit Gullies’ in the region, named after sawpits created to hand saw huge logs. The man on the top of the huge saw became what we still refer to as ‘top dog’. The ‘bottom dog’ got the sawdust.

NOTE: Those who are slower or need to get back to the start before 10am have a choice to take a leader-guided short-cut by completing the La Gerche Walk and returning the same way we set out.

Brackenbury Hill

At an elevation of 535m, Brackenbury Hill provides excellent vistas over the surrounding Creswick State Forest and the plains beyond. The hill was a feature of an effort (a century ago) to encourage ‘hill climbs’ by cars up the nearby ‘Tourist Road’ as part of early local tourist promotion. A brass pointer on the cairn indicates the direction of some visible peaks on a clear day. 

The PeakFinder app (available on line for approx. $8, which works internationally and is highly recommended for those who want to explore landscapes) identifies 63 theoretically ‘visible peaks’ from Brackenbury Hill (assuming no line of sight obstructions). Some of these visible peaks are to the west towards the Mount Cole range, but most are to the north, including the Pyrenees and several significant, now bald, volcanic ‘mammaloid’ [breast-like] hills. 

Dozens of these former volcanoes and the fertile, well-watered plains and wetlands around them provided valuable food resources in southern Dja Dja Wurrung Country, particularly the Myrniong (Yam Daisy). The southern forested horizon approximates the Great Dividing Range: thus, Mount Buninyong and Mount Warrenheip on northern Wathaurung Country near Ballarat are not visible.

Nearby to the cairn, you will see that the ancient, weathered bedrock outcropping in the road (including the associated quartz veins) are aligned very close to [5 degrees away from] north-south. This is a fascinating characteristic of much of the bedrock in Victorian goldfields country. This orientation is because the ancient (400-500 million year old) sedimentary rocks were deeply folded into north-south ‘sets’ by east-west pressure along the eastern Australian tectonic plate boundary. At this time, quartz, sometimes containing gold, was injected into the cracks, later weathering out to accumulate in streams (as ‘alluvial’ gold), some of which later became buried by lava (‘deep lead’ gold). What remained at depth and was rich enough was mined via shafts as ‘reef’ gold.

St Georges Lake

St George’s Lake is picturesque to walk around in all weather (on a 1.8km loop track). We will walk along the steeper, northern bank. On a hot day the Lake is a favourite place to swim in Creswick. The Lake occupies a former shallow and rich alluvial gold mining hole, enlarged in the 1890s to become the former ‘Govvy’ [government] Dam’, once supplying water to the Creswick State [Government Gold] Battery. We see the Battery later to the left on our way into the Creswick township along Creswick Creek. The now inundated area and current Lake boasts a recently renewed spillway as part of flood mitigation works along Creswick Creek. On 6 January 2022 (just 3 months ago) a huge storm (again) inundated much of central Creswick, including damaging around 150 houses and businesses, at which time the water was approximately 2 metres above the new spillway that we walk across. Climate change is one of the factors which has resulted in four major floods in the Creswick township in the past 10 years.

Creswick Creek

Creswick Creek rises on the well-watered Great Dividing Range near Dean, flows through Creswick and finally merges with the Tullaroop Creek near Clunes. We cross Slatey Creek (just before it enters Creswick Creek) on a footbridge which the Great Dividing Trail Association agitated for over several decades before it was finally opened in 2015. Our walk takes us along Creswick Creek behind the main street along land that has no houses on the flood plain. On our right just before the main street is Hammon Park, currently being redeveloped to become a major hub for mountain biking as part of the ‘Creswick Trails Project’.

Creswick’s Built Heritage

Creswick boasts a broad, elegantly curved main street and many grand, historic buildings, most dating from the boom times of the gold mining era between the 1850s and the 1890s. Hopefully you’ll get a chance for a later leisurely wander to also see the Masonic Lodge, State Savings Bank, Post Office and Creswick Town Hall, amongst others. Many of Creswick’s historic venues are CRESFEST performance sites in 2022.

Barry Golding’s Men’s Shed books: Purchasing options

My Shoulder to Shoulder: Broadening the Men’s Shed Movement book, was published by Common Ground Research Networks (CGRN) in Chicago, USA in October 2021. The publisher is offering a 25% discount if purchased via CGRN on the same order with my 2015 book, The Men’s Shed Movement: The Company of Men book using the launch discount code SHOULDER2021: see Shoulder to Shoulder_flyer_final_correctedDOWNLOAD

The new 444 page book published in 2021 includes an Index for both books. You can use the QR code on the flyer (above) for ordering either the 2015 or 2021 book, that takes you straight to the book order form on the Common Ground Research Networks website. Alternatively you can order just the 2021 book via the CGRN website:

The US$50 price for one book ordered online via CGRN is equivalent to approximately $70 Australian (depending on the current exchange rate). Postage and international transfer fees are extra.

Shoulder to Shoulder’ Book nomination for ‘Common Ground Research Networks Publishers Prize’

Common Ground (based in Illinois, US) announced in March 2022:Congratulations on being nominated!

.’.. Your book has been selected as a finalist for 2021 Common Ground Research Networks Publishers Prize. The annual Publishers Prize recognizes authors and series editors of exceptional books that were published within the last year by Common Ground. It is awarded on the basis of a contribution to emerging and timely debates, as well as an emphasis on social impacts: manifest in commitment to social justice, principles of equality, or sustainability agendas. The aim of the award is to encourage and reward the publishing of scholarly works that have a social impact represented either in their innovative methods or thematic originality.

Voting will be open until 31 April 2022 and the winner will be announced on 15 May 2022. You can make your vote here. We also encourage you to share the Publishers Prize with your colleagues and peers.

If you choose to vote, you will see there is an option until late April 2022 to purchase a copy of a book via Common Ground Research Networks bookshop at a significant 50% discount (US$25 for the soft cover version) using the discount code ‘BOOKPRIZE2021’. Postage would be extra. Total cost with delivery would be approx $50 Australian, $36.50 US, 28 British Pound, or 34 Euro.

Alternative Purchase Option within Australia

Barry Golding is able to post copies of either book via Australia Post, for immediate delivery anywhere in Australia, for AUD$65 (including $10 post). Payment is via bank transfer.

Email your order requests to Barry Golding:

About the 2021 Book: ‘Shoulder to Shoulder: Broadening the Men’s Shed Movement’

Shed-based community organisations are meeting many people’s acute, unmet needs and debilitating dilemmas. Participants are empowered ‘shoulder to shoulder’ in a shared endeavour, not as customers, clients, students or patients. This ‘bottom-up’ Shed model radically upends the traditional power dynamic, putting ‘shedders’ collectively back in charge of their lives, health and wellbeing. 

In the six years since my 2015 book, ‘The Men’s Sheds Movement: The Company of Men’ was published in 2015. The Movement has broadened to include other nations and Women’s Sheds. From the humblest of beginnings in rural Tongala, Australia in 1998, the movement had evolved to include almost 3,000 Sheds worldwide by 2021.

This new book gives voice to Movements across Australia, the UK, Ireland, New Zealand, Denmark, Iceland, Canada, the United States and Africa. It shines a light on the transformational experiences and positive impact that Sheds have had on the lives of men, women, families and communities, nimbly and rapidly responding during the global COVID-19 pandemic. 

While every Shed in the world is unique and different, the book’s many powerful Men’s and Women’s Shed case studies highlight how the power of shared, hands-on social activity for ‘shedders’ can reduce the potentially destructive forces of loneliness and social isolation. 

It’s about the universal value of “having somewhere to go, something to do, and someone to talk with,” as envisaged by the late Dick McGowan in the very first Men’s Shed.

Informative, insightful, easy to read and carefully researched, Shoulder to Shoulder provides a well-documented tour de force of this globally expanding and broadening international movement. 

What’s in the new book?

The book includes separate Chapters about Men’s Sheds in: Australia, the UK, Ireland, New Zealand, the US, Canada & Denmark as well as ‘Elsewhere in the World’. There are Chapters about ‘Women’s Sheds Worldwide’, ‘Research Evidence since 2014’ and a final synthesis Chapter called ‘Broadening the Men’s Shed Movement’. The Index provided on the 2021 book also indexes the 2015 book.

The 2021 book includes 67 revisited Men’s Shed Case Studies (from 2015) from seven countries and 56 new 2021 Men’s Shed Case studies from ten countries. In addition, there are eight Women’s Shed Case Studies from four countries.

International contributors

Barry Golding is author of seven Chapters and shares authorship with six international Shed experts in five other Chapters. Co-authors are:

  • Dr Joel Hedegaard, Assistant Professor, School of Education & Communication, Jönköping University, Jönköping,Sweden. [Danish Men’s Shed Chapter]
  • Mie Møller Nielsen, Head of Secretariat, Forum for Mænds Sundhed (Men’s Health), Copenhagen, Denmark. [Danish Men’s Shed Chapter]
  • Philip Johnson, Managing Director, US Men’s Sheds Association, Hopkins, Minnesota, USA. [US Men’s Sheds Chapter]
  • Professor Corey Mackenzie, Director of Clinical Training, Department of Psychology, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada. [Canadian Men’s Shed Chapter]
  • Dr Lucia Carragher, School of Health & Science, Dundalk Institute of Technology, Dundalk, County Louth, Ireland. [Women’s Shed Chapter]
  • Associate Professor Annette Foley, Associate Dean, School of Education & Arts, Federation University, Ballarat, Victoria, Australia [Research Evidence Chapter]

Where on Earth?

Where on earth did these men come from?

The inherited legacy of British slavery in Dja Dja Wurrung Country

Barry Golding, 5 September 2021

Please contact me if you are able to correct me & fill in any of the gaps

This account focuses on the family origins of several of the earliest squatters who arrived in the Colony of Port Phillip and ‘took up stations’ north of the Great Dividing Range on Dja Dja Wurrung Country in central Victoria before 1842. In particular, it asks what brought many these British refugees to Australia, and where they might have gained the considerable capital necessary to quickly establish such vast pastoral enterprises.

John Hepburn’s cousin, Robert Hepburn, whose mother was a Jamaican slave

The men involved (mostly White, with some exceptions, including Robert Hepburn, above, and also the Birches at Seven Hills and Bullarook who have Indian ancestry) are now commemorated as heroes in the landscape they invaded by mountains, towns, monuments and streets. The women are seldom mentioned.

Some men later penned deliberately sanitized words in Letters from Victorian Pioneers in 1853 (published in 1898) which conveniently glossed over the aggression and considerable capital necessary to seize land and ‘set up stations’, and also their prior backgrounds. It is still more convenient in 2021 not to know. Local histories typically start with Mitchell, identify the heroic legacy of these first White squatters and briskly move on to gold.

This account looks specifically at the legacy of British slavery in the lives and families of Alexander Mollison, Charles Ebden, John Hepburn, the Simson Brothers and Lawrence Rostron, much elevated local squatters in the Kyneton, Carlsruhe, Smeaton, Maryborough and Glenlyon areas respectively.

Researching ‘Legacies of British Slavery’, has recently become much simpler via the ‘search the database’ tab on the University College London website by that name. In summary, when British slave owners released slaves with the legislated abolition of slavery, the slave owners were richly compensated. The website documents who had slaves in British colonies and what compensation they actually received.

Some of this new information comes from that site. Searching your own family backgrounds by surname might prove surprising and interesting …

Alexander Mollison & Charles Ebden

The official Kyneton website ‘History’ page proudly claims ‘Kyneton comes with good baggage’. It specifically celebrates the first two European squatters in the Kyneton district, Charles Hotson Ebden (1811-1867) and Alexander Fullerton Mollison (1805-1885) who established ‘… enormous grazing properties on the lush landscape sitting on the local mineral rich volcanic soils’. Zero mention of prior occupation. This account confirms both came with and left considerable baggage.

Ebden, after whom Ebden Street in Kyneton is named, ‘sent 9,000 sheep from his Goulburn station to arrive in May 1837 at nearby Carlsruhe to form the first sheep station’. Kyneton’s main street was also named after Alexander Mollison.

By 1839 squatter Alexander Mollison was writing to his sister, Jane noting that ‘there are now Stations all the way to Sydney’, vainly boasting that the settlers were calling the mountain Mt Alexander not after the King of Macedon [as renamed from Leanganook by Mitchell] but in ‘honor of [him, Alexander Mollison] having first occupied it’.

Both Mollison and Ebden inherited and brought with them huge family wealth from colonial enterprises involving large scale slavery in the Caribbean and southern Africa. This capital was essential to set help up their huge pastoral enterprises on the Coliban and Campaspe Rivers from 1837. In addition, Mollison was effectively the beneficiary of the state subsidized slave labor of 49 servants (including 22 ex-convicts) and Ebden 32. 

Alexander and his brother William Thomas Mollison (1816-1886) had both inherited considerable wealth from their parents, Elizabeth and Crawford Mollison, themselves big slave owners in St Ann, Jamaica. They were compensated with £2,135 by the British government in 1835 for their release. Elizabeth’s father, Alexander’s grandfather, George Fullerton was separately compensated for the loss of 415 enslaved people in Jamaica and a total of £9,325, a sum equivalent to approximately 2.2 million Australian dollars in 2021 value.

Mollison was involved in three well documented incidents locally involving violent conflict with Aboriginal people between 1838 and 1842, and Ebden with one in July 1839. And yet violently seizing land from the Dja Dja Wurrung people on unjust terms was not enough. 

In November 1839, Mollison wrote to his father complaining that all the advantages which [New South] Wales afforded to her woolgrowers are taken from us [in Port Philip]. Grants of land, cheap labor, unlimited pasturage and no taxation. So great is the change that many are turning their eyes to New Zealand and the islands of the Pacific.’ Writing to his sister, Jane, in his Christmas Day letter in 1840, Alexander confirmed he was looking for somewhere else to go on more ‘easy terms’.

Charles Ebden, the Carlsruhe squatter was the son of John Bardwell Ebden, a prominent merchant, banker and politician and slave owner in the British Cape Colony. In 1836 John and his wife Antoinette received £825 as British compensation for the release of 22 enslaved people at the Cape of Good Hope.

Charles overlanded to Melbourne a few days after John Gardner, Joseph Hawdon and John Hepburn in early 1837. By March 1837 had moved a substantial flock of sheep to Carlsruhe. Charles Ebden’s scale of operations confirmed he had considerable colonial capital behind him.

John Hepburn

Not all local squatters in late 1830s had huge prior wealth, but many including John Stuart Hepburn (1803-1860) of Smeaton Hill quickly amassed considerable fortunes. In fact, his father, Thomas Hepburn, was a fisherman and laborer. John’s mother, Alison Stewart died when he was four years old. John had a very limited education and went to sea as a cabin boy age only 13 years. His father remarried, and they had eight more children. The headstone commemorating John’s parents was actually paid for by John but does not mention his birth mother. 

Existing accounts of John inaccurately play up his links to inherited wealth and Scottish aristocracy, including to his Tasmanian squatter cousin, Robert Hepburn. There is evidence that several other Scottish Hepburn ancestors had large slave holdings, and some others like John rose up through the ranks, to become ship captains in the West Indian slave trade and the Royal Navy. In fact a photo of Robert early on in this article clearly confirms Robert’s Black ancestry. Robert Hepburn’s mother, Mary Ann Roy, was actually born in Jamaica in 1766, daughter of slave owner Gregor MacGregor and a Jamaican sugar plantation worker enslaved, from West Africa, Isabella Diabenti. 

The ‘Roy’ surname appears to have been taken from MacGregor’s forebear, Rob Roy MacGregor, a Scottish outlaw (1671-1734) in the ‘Robin Hood’ mould who became a Scottish folk hero. John’s cousin, Robert and his present day/2021 Aboriginal Tasmanian ancestor, Robert Hine, is the subject of one of Barry Golding’s extended blogs in collaboration with Roobert: see . Robert Hine’s ancestry, from my account, includes English, Scottish (slave owner Hepburn & MacGregor & outlaw), Black African, English convict and Palawa (Aboriginal Tasmanian) connections along with several adoptions.

The Simsons

John, Hector and Donald Simson were pastoralists involved in Charlotte Plains run near Carisbrook from the 1840s, celebrated on the 2021 ‘ Simson’s Pantry’ bread wrapper as ‘the first pioneering settlers’ in the Maryborough area. Contrary to existing histories, I suggest here for the first time that the name ‘Carisbook’ likely has Simson family slave colony origins going back to Jamaica.

Many members of the British Simson family (Ann, Charles, Christian, Colin, James & John) were beneficiaries of a significant slave owner payout mainly as a consequence of slaves originally held in British Guyana. How this family is associated with John Simson (1799-1848), Hector Norman Simson (1819-1880) and Donald Campbell Simson (1808-1851), regarded as the White founders of Maryborough is unclear and yet to be proved. Donald married Jane Charlotte, eldest daughter of John Coghill (John Hepburn’s business partner) on 15 March 1839. 

The ‘Victorian Places’ website in 2021 suggests that: Reputedly Carisbrook’s name came from ‘Carrie’s  Brook’, named after Caroline Bucknall, the daughter of E. G. Bucknall, an early local pastoralist. However, before the town was surveyed in 1851 there was a police camp and lock up named Camp Carisbrook, implying that the name could have had another origin. There were pre-existing Carisbrooks in New Zealand and the Isle of Wight.

E. G Bucknall, a native of Stroud, Gloucestershire did not come to the Port Phillip colony with his wife and family until 1843, in 1844 leasing a tract of land from the Crown at Rodborough, a property he subsequently purchased. It seems a big stretch to imagine Bucknall’s daughter’s nick-name would transfer to an area already well-established for at least five years as a pastoral run called ‘Charlotte Plains’. And the town in question is not ‘Carries Brook’. It is called and spelt ‘Carisbrook’.

There is no ‘Carries Brook’ evident in the UK. There is a ‘Carries Brook’, a seasonal river in northeastern Tasmania. The Isle of Wight village in England is spelt ‘Carisbrooke’. The New Zealand ‘Carisbrook’ is named after the estate of early colonial settler James Macandrew (itself named after Carisbrooke Castle on the Isle of Wight).

The Goldfields Guide website in 2021 notes that when Urquhart, the district surveyor came to survey Carisbrook in August 1851, there was already a police camp and lock up called “Camp Carisbrook”It seems possible, indeed likely, that the police contingent, camp and log jail at Carisbrook perhaps and instead got its name from ‘Carisbrook’ sometimes also (Carrisbrook), a former sugar and rum slave plantation in the region of St Elizabeth, 104km west of Kingston in Jamaica. Approximately 100 enslaved people were enclosed in the ‘Carisbrook / Carrisbrook’ ‘Pen / Penn’ growing sugar, rum, cattle, yams, plantain, sheep, corn and mules from 1780 until at least 1832.

Until 1821 the slaves at Carisbrook were registered to ‘Donald Cameron’. A ‘Donald Cameron’ was buried at Carisbrook, St Elizabeth, Jamaica on 13 September 1820 age 46 years. When he died, the Carisbrook slave ownership transferred to Alexander Campbell, Duncan Cameron and Allan Cameron.

An ‘Allan Cameron’ is described in the slave registers (on the Legacies of British Slavery website) as an absentee slave owner of the plantation #407 at Carisbrook, Jamaica (also spelt ‘Carrisbrook’). John Cameron was paid out £1,717 in 1833 as an heir to Donald’s slave estate when compensated by the British government for releasing their slaves. It is not clear what the relationship might have been, if any, between John and Donald Cameron, early White colonists in Clunes, Victoria.

It seems on balance, to be much more likely that Carisbrook in Victoria got its name as a downstream legacy of British slavery though the Simson family, which likely enabled them sufficient cash to come to Australia, hire men, buy stock and set up stations. 

Lawrence Rostron

The Hepburn Shire Riding of Holcombe is named after a squatting run by that name set up in 1840 in the Glenlyon area by Lawrence Rostron, today described in local histories as a ‘pioneer pastoralist’. He found the Holcombe run too small and passed it on the the Clowes Brothers in 1844 to take up 160,000 acres on ‘Tottington’ and ‘Ramsbottom’ near Stuart Mill.

Lawrence Rostron, originally from Lancashire England, disgraced the family by falling in love with a cotton mill worker, and spent approximately 20 years banished to Rio de Janeiro running the Brazilian end of the family cotton trade that involved company ships. As cotton farming in Brazil was linked to the Portuguese slavery trade, it is likely that the Rostron family was implicated in parts of the same trade.

However the Legacy of British Slavery tells us nothing about Rostron as Brazil was not a British Colony. Rostron’s diaries have recently been placed in the State Library Victoria. We will know more once they become accessible post the 2020/21 COVID lockdown.

Meantime there is evidence that Lawrence Rostron carried on the family tradition. In later life he imported guano on his ships for use as a fertiliser from Malden Island (now part of the nation of Kiribati) in the Pacific Ocean. The work there between 1860 and 1927 was overseen by a handful of European supervisors and undertaken by indentured ‘native labourers’, a form of bonded labour developed after outright slave ownership was abolished. Rostron later became an important figure in Melbourne with investments in fertiliser and property development.

Why bother about this?

The short answer is that is is important to be truthful about our past in oder to reconcile our present. The five examples above are not exceptions. Other local colonial heroes with direct and significant family links to and beneficiaries of slavery include the Scotts after whom Scottsburn is named, as well as the goldfields era British politician, colonial governor and patron of the sciences, Sir Henry Barkly.

It was not just the money they brought, but the born to rule racism that tended to accompany such backgrounds, that arguably extended to the shameful way Australian First Nations people were treated by most (but not all) squatters on the frontier.

It matters because we keep perpetuating these myths. The Simson brothers were not ‘pioneers’ as is claimed when marketing their (excellent) bread made in Maryborough in 2021, since they were not ‘the first to explore or settle a new country or area’. Nor were Rostron, Hepburn, Ebden, Mollison or my ancestors in the St Arnaud area ‘pioneers’. The Country was comprehensively settled, named and cultured for over a thousand generations before, and in one two generations most had made their fortunes and moved on.

And they were not ‘settlers’. ‘Unsettlers’ comes closer to the mark. That many of the earliest invaders such as Mollison came to Australia demanding, in his words, ‘unlimited pasturage’ on ‘easy terms’, some moving on later to do similarly in New Zealand, and in Rostron’s case to the Pacific, is deep unsettling.

For all of these reasons, the Frontier Wars Memorial Avenue officially opened in 2021 on Daylesford’s outskirts, below, and the local renaming process underway with Jim Crow Creek, are significant small local steps, but large steps in remembering, for Australia, First Nations peoples and humankind.

Penny Farthing racing

Penny Farthing Racing: Reflections & recollections

Barry Golding 19 August 2021

I first dipped by toe in the art of penny farthing bicycle racing in 1975. Whilst I had ridden a bike as a teenager in Donald, by my 20s in the 1970s I didn’t even own or ride a normal bike. By 1980 I had won the Australian Penny Farthing Racing Championship three times and retained the trophy.

This blog is my previously untold, back story of how all this happened. I took the bike for my likely last public ride at a commemorative event in Kingston, Victoria late in 2018 age 68. Having found it surprisingly difficult to get on and a tad scary to jump off, I realized I had lost the courage and dexterity to still ride the 150 year old bike safely into my 70s.

The back story starts with our former full time Australian folk music band dating back to the early 1970s, ‘Mulga Bill’s Bicycle Band’. We chose the Band’s name after Banjo Paterson’s poem of the same name, about an Australian ‘bushie’ who unwisely swapped his horse for a new-fangled penny farthing bicycle with disastrous consequences in ‘Dead Man’s Creek’. It was logical that we looked out for a real penny farthing to use as a backdrop for the band on stage. At that stage riding one was certainly not on my radar.

We came across and bought an original penny farthing in fairly sad condition from a secondhand shop in Clare, South Australia around six years before in the early 1970s. I recall we paid around $200 for it. First it needed some basic repairs to the huge, rusty front wheel particularly the rim and spokes. The back wheel was so rusted it had to be replaced with a similar sized solid rubber pram wheel.

We tracked down a Melbourne-based pram manufacturer who still stocked long lengths of solid pram rubber with a spring inserted, in order to replace the rotting solid rubber front tyre. The guys at the pram factory in Sunshine (suburban Melbourne) delighted in showing us how to cut the rubber to length exposing a few turns of its embedded spring by cutting back some of the rubber, then screwing the ends of the rubber back onto itself, and rolling and snapping the tyre back onto the rim. Chisel grips replaced the rotten wooden handlebar grips and we found a new old-style leather seat. Some antique style pedals were welded onto the rusty pedal cranks. She was an ugly ducking: safe enough to learn to ride but certainly not to race.

I learned to ride in the relative safely of the back lane behind 177 Park Drive in Parkville. In the lead up to the Mulga Bill band days I rented a dank, windowless half cellar behind the terrace house, earning the name ‘Bazza The Rat’ from the house residents who partied at all hours in the loungeroom above. I initially propped myself gingerly against the walls in the back lane to learn to start and stop. What I quickly learned was that the balance once you are moving is relatively simple, once you realize that thrusting on one pedal tends to force the big wheel in the opposite direction. Balance thus involves constantly using your arms to counter the push of each pedal stroke. Having dropped the huge 48 inch wheel sideways very heavily onto my knee and ending up in hospital, I also realized that the necessary art of getting on and off safely was critically important.

Learning to ride (mainly getting off)

After recovering from the knee injury, I resolved to find a way by trial and error to safely get off. Getting on at this early stage was still by propping against something high. At this stage I’d never seen anyone ride a penny farthing . If Google had been around then I would have found all the options for getting on and off safely on YouTube.

The jagged, rusted peg above the small back wheel I later discovered was designed to help gentlemen in the 1870s, when my bike was made, slow down, step back and elegantly ease off backwards. Initially I found it could instead get off by slowing right down, letting the bike drop sideways, putting my leg out straight as the wheel fell and grabbing the opposite handlebar to support the considerable weight of the bike as it fell. This sort of worked at slow speeds, but I wouldn’t recommend anyone try it. Another way was necessary for the inevitable unplanned higher speed emergency stops, including to avoid people and traffic.

My bike still had the remnants of a rusty front brake levered off the right handlebar. Aside from its dodgy condition, the problem was that putting it on at speed meant the front wheel tended to lock and my momentum lurched the frame and handlebars forward, and me onto the road. I later found that some of the early riders got off by putting both legs over the handlebars, using the brake to stop and landing on their feet. I’ve since seen others safely do this, but I’ve never tried it, it was not easy to grab the bike in the process and it was impossibly dangerous at speed.

By trial and error, I found another way of leaping off at reasonable speed. I still can’t explain how to do it, but it worked for me. Somehow, I waited until one pedal was in the down position, leaping off on that same side and running beside the bike to bring it and me to a halt. I found it worked OK at any speed I could run, as long as I didn’t lean on the handlebars on the process, or else the whole bike frame lurched forward, and my face would end up on the road.

I also found that the best way to slow the bike at speed was to ignore the brake and use reverse thrust on the fixed wheel pedals. On hills, the trick was to hold the bike back until the gradient flattened out and it was safe to ‘let it go’. Once your feet were off the pedals, without a brake, you were effectively out of control. For all of these reasons, what we now call a ‘bicycle’ when it was invented was called the ‘safety bicycle’, and its precursor, the penny farthing. was called the ‘ordinary’.

Using the bike with the Band in the 1970s

I was the only member of Mulga Bill’s Bicycle Band who learned to safely ride the bike. We also bought a unicycle which we all tried but failed to master. We used the penny farthing on stage as part of an acted out a slapstick version of the ‘Mulga Bill’s Bicycle’ poem on stage in almost every concert. Tony Britz sat on the bike as Mulga Bill, while Chris Bettle recited, myself and another band member I held the bike and Jo Beams and Liz Eager hammed it up under a blanket as Mulga Bill’s trusty horse.

Once we started touring interstate including school concerts, we found ways of using the penny farthing before or after the concert on the road. I would ride and the kids in particular loved it. I developed reasonably safe ways of getting people from the audience to haul themselves up on the seat and try riding it with me running alongside to support and catch them on a big stage or on the road outside the venue. It likely wouldn’t pass a modern safety audit but it was good fun and memorable for those game enough to try it.

As I gained more confidence riding on roads, we would get the bike out of the Band bus or Kombi as we came into town where we were playing that night. I would sometimes hop on and ride into and through town. It was a good way of publicizing concerts and local papers got great pictures. When we played at the Adelaide Festival the Adelaide Advertiser reporter was luke-warm about taking pictures of me to promote the concert, asking, “Doesn’t the lady [in the Band] ride the bike, and would she sit on it instead?” The promoters slyly got around our firm “No” by organizing for a local model to sit on the bike, of course taking the snap from below featuring her long leg.

As an example of how the papers more commonly treated the story, the Sydney Morning Herald used the photo below (from 6 June 1976) taken in traffic on the edge of the Sydney CBD. The newspaper caption read ‘Barry Goanna Golding, a guitarist and vocalist in ‘Mulga Bill’s Bicycle Band’ found a way to beat Sydney’s train stoppages and the traffic problem yesterday on his way to rehearsals. He simply stepped onto his 1877 Penny Farthing bicycle’.

This 1976 photo confirms that by this stage the rusted front brake had been removed for safety, and the rusted mounting peg above the back wheel had been replaced by a more solid mounting bracket. The wide flair on my jeans firmly dates the photo to the ‘70s. Soon after I had a close shave when my flairs got caught between the main frame and the big front wheel, leading me to routinely tuck my pants into my socks for safety.

In 1975, the half hour episode of ‘Big Country’ featuring our band on ABC TV used images of me riding through the countryside and into Charleville whilst we were on tour in western Queensland to bookend the program.

Inheriting the Band’s penny farthing

After Mulga Bill’s Bicycle Band stopped touring in 1976, we divided up the gear we had accumulated, and my portion included the bike. The hills around Daylesford where I moved to were too hilly for much road riding, but most years over the next few decades I got the bike out and participated in the annual Daylesford New Year’s Eve street procession, weaving in and out of the floats and the fire trucks in the dark on a typically hot summer evening.

In the late 1970s I became an activist with the ‘Save Our Bushland Action Group Daylesford’, agitating to prevent pine plantations replacing native forest at Basalt and Eganstown. I rode from Daylesford to Geelong via Ballarat over two days as part of an event we called ‘Push for the Bush’ as an effective way of promoting and gaining newspaper and TV coverage for our cause.

The South Australian Championships

Long distances like the ‘Push for the Bush’ called for some serious repairs to the front wheel. I heard about a farmer in Booleroo Centre, South Australia, Brian Knauerhouse whose blacksmithing skills also included rolling penny farthing wheel rims on an original rim rolling machine. Brian undertook to roll and respoke the front wheel. This involved putting a thread on each spoke and screwing it into both the brass hub and the metal rim: a huge and painstaking job that he did almost for nothing as a labour of love.

Getting the bike from Daylesford in Victoria for repairs was something of an adventure. Twice I took the bike on The Overland train from Ballarat to Adelaide, then took a regional a train 220km north from Adelaide to Port Germein, a tiny, isolated settlement of only 200 people on the eastern coast of South Australia’s Spencer Gulf. It was a further 43km to Booleroo Centre. It was starting to get dark as I pedaled northeast towards the southern Flinders Ranges on my first trip. Fortunately, a local farmer with a ute took pity and offered me a lift with the bike to Booleroo.

Given the state of the rusted rim, Brian did a splendid repair job. However, when I was giving it a decent try out at speed on the road back in Daylesford, the front wheel totally collapsed. Imagine straddling a hub with hundreds of spokes detached from the rim. I took the wrecked wheel to Ken Rodda, who then ran a mower and chain saw repair service in Daylesford. Ken also dabbled in motor bikes and had experience of re-spoking antique motor bike wheels. Ken came up with a new and creative way to repair the wheel. He painstakingly attached a short motor bike spoke with a nipple on one end through the rim, as on a conventional bicycle, and spliced and brazed the other end of the spoke onto fencing wire, permanently bronzing each wire onto the brass hub. He repeated this hundreds of times and then tensioned the wheel. It worked and he charged me nothing.

It was around that time that I discovered that Booleroo Centre then hosted the South Australian Penny Farthing Championships. I decided to go across in 1975 to try my luck. I found a simple way of transporting the huge bike in two pieces. The front wheel complete with front forks and handlebars fitted neatly into an old car tyre strapped onto the top of car roof racks. The stem that included the seat with the small ‘farthing’ wheel fitted neatly inside. Disassembling the bike into the two pieces is actually quite simple without tools, simply by unscrewing two nuts.

What I hadn’t thought about before my first race was that I was actually pretty unfit. While I road fast and confidently over short distances on bitumen, I had certainly not trained. And it turned out the South Australian Championship event was held over three laps on the very bumpy and only partly grassed Booleroo Centre Football ground. On the first of three laps, I flew. On the second lap, I ‘hit a wall’. On the third lap, most other riders rolled past me as I gasped exhausted.

It was good fun participating, but an important lesson in fitness training. Next time I raced in 1976 I was more prepared, and soundly won both the South Australian Championship and the Handicap that followed at Booleroo Centre. By the early 1980s the South Australian Championships were hosted instead at Strathalbyn (which I also participated in once) and in very recent years, in Tailem Bend.

The Australian Championships (at Tunbridge, 1970s)

During 1976 I heard about the Australian Penny Farthing Racing Championships, then held at Tunbridge in the Tasmanian midlands during the 1970s, before relocating to Evandale in 1983, where they have since been held in February for the past four decades.

Around that time, I started secondary teaching in Ballarat. At first, I tried training after school and sometimes in the dark on the quiet bitumen roads around Kooroocheang where I was then renting and living in the rented ‘Thornbarrow’ homestead. But the bitumen was hard on the tyres and not ideal for building up aerobic fitness. I came up with a solution: train on a grassed surface with similar resistance to the race itself, by riding laps at high speed around the edge of the Creswick Football Oval at Hammon Park.

However, putting the bike on and off the car and training on the oval after school on the way home was time consuming. So, I resolved, with Creswick hardware storekeeper, John Quinlan’s permission, to leave the bike at the store, do a quick change out the back and train at the oval nearby each night after school. Doing 50 laps at high speed worked wonders. John proudly referred to himself as my ‘trainer’.

My battered, patched up and unpainted bike, despite being original, was regarded as something of an ‘ugly duckling’ by some of the penny farthing racing enthusiasts, many of whom had antique bicycle collections. Its seat when I first competed was tied on with twine. Most people who raced at Tunbridge were seriously into antiques and reproductions and their bikes looked as new. The Championships at Tunbridge involved a ‘Monte Carlo’ type event over three laps of roughly triangular course, which I suspect from a Google search included Main Road, and either Lowes Street and Scott Street, or Thomas and Sutton Street.

Charles Smythe, a local antique dealer in Tunbridge was then the key organizer and I was billeted each of the three years I competed with a local property owner. The start and finish line were on Main Street and hay bales were placed on the acute street corners (as is now done in Evandale) to provide some safety from high speed spills. Having won the Championship Cup for three years running from 1978-80, I was deemed, as was the tradition in those days, to have won it outright and still own the cup.

The front of the engraved cup, below ,confirms that the ‘Australian Penny Farthing Championship, Tunbridge 1976’ was won in 1976 by a C. E. Clemons (and donated by Mrs Clemons).

Around that time, I did several memorable penny farthing road rides, including riding up Pewley Hill north of Kooroocheang, by far the steepest hill I ever successfully rode up or down. I now call it ‘Penny Farthing Hill’ when I regularly ride my road bike up and down it on the way down and back from Kingston to Guildford and Newstead via Sandon and Yandoit.

Over the years I have had a few scary accidents. The worst one was when training at high speed on a hot back road one summer evening when visiting friends north of the Grampians. The front tyre had stretched and flew off the rim, locking the front wheel and dumping me on the ground. I ended up in Donald Hospital.

During one of the long distance road races, the main stem of the bike snapped off just above the back wheel, likely due to rust and fatigue, leaving me riding the big front wheel down a hill at speed, forcing me into the (fortunately soft) ditch at the bottom. On one other occasion when climbing a steep hill up to the School of Forestry in Creswick, the rusted main stem snapped off just under the seat, as a consequence on me pulling hard on the handlebars and pushing hard on the pedals to struggle up the hill. Fortunately, it was at low speed. As a consequence, I got a then penny farthing enthusiast, Norm Lemin (died 2012) to totally repair the rusted stem by inserting a sleeve but retaining both the original stem ends.

Australian Championships (at Evandale, 1980s)

The Australian Penny Farthing Championships in Tunbridge lapsed after 1980 but resumed in the picturesque village of Evandale 77km to the north (and 18km south of Launceston) in February 1983. In March that same year our son Karri was born. In 1984 we were living a long way north in Humpty Doo south of Darwin in the Northern Territory. In 1985 we were a tad closer back in Kingston, but Tanja was born soon after in May. Between 1983 and 1985 the Australian Championship was won by a South Australian: by John Wigsell (in 1983) and Alan Kloester (in 1984 & 1984).

We all went across as a family to the Australian Championships in 1986. From the late 1980s the competition had become international. It was still really good fun and our young sons Dajarra and Karri (then five and three) totally soaked up the vibe. But by 1986, my original bike was heavier than most reproductions and I was less competitive and unplaced. Doug Pinkerton (from England) won the Australian Championship that year (1986) and again in 1988, 1990 and 1992. Nick Bromage (also from England) won in 1987. In 1995/6 a Czech rider won and a New Zealander was runner up in 1995. Since its inception only two Tasmanian riders have taken out the Evandale-based Championship, with winners from all other states and also the ACT. By 1986 the events had diversified to include women’s and juniors races, a sprint (on the Launceston airport tarmac), a slow race, a slalom, a road race and a state relay.

I was teaching at Daylesford High School from 1985-88. With fellow teacher, Jo Beasley, for several years we made the nine day Great Victorian Bike ride a school bicycle excursion for students in late November early December. On the 1986 ‘Great Vic’ from Albury to Melbourne that included an overnight in Daylesford, I chose to ride the penny farthing, only having to dismount twice, once to ride down a steep hill near Lockwood South near Bendigo, and another on the last day to ride up a steep hill near Sunbury. By 1987 on a route that started in Stawell and included parts of the Great Ocean Road, I opted to do it easier on the ‘safety bicycle’.

I went back to compete in one of the South Australian Penny Farthing Championship events in the early 1980s in Strathalbyn, but by then the reproduction bikes were getting lighter than my 100 year old penny farthing and the competitors were getting younger. I recall one big bike wheel disintegrating while cornering in the championship and I figured it was time to give up racing.

I also participated in a 50-mile penny farthing road race from Albury Railway Station to ‘Drage’s Air World’ near Wangaratta. I recall I came in third. I also remember it was a very hot, summer day and without water biddens I ran out of water.

Riding it for fun since

The bike has been pulled out several times a year since, including for the Daylesford New Years Eve street procession, but also for many community fetes and events where I would ride and give kids (and not so heavy or not too tall adults) rides by running alongside. Our three children and their friends all enjoyed rides over the years. Since Karri (an experienced bike mechanic) is the only one who has mastered it reasonably independently and safely, he will most likely inherit it down the track.

Whilst working at Federation University in Ballarat around a decade ago I brought the bike in a couple of time to give the Physical Education students a demonstration of how it is ridden and to give several interested students a carefully supervised try out. One year I was asked to do a brief dramatic cameo, doing a quick zip across the stage of Founders Hall. One year I ride right along the inside corridor of T Building, Level 3 at Mount Helen, just to show how it was done, high enough to almost clip the overhead fluorescent lights. I recall did a similar mad dash inside the corridors of the Cloncurry Hospital in Western Queensland which I visited as a community contribution when Mulga Bill played an evening concert there in 1974.

As alluded to at the start, the last time I rode in public was for the Centenary of the Kingston Avenue of Honour in November 2018 (age 68). I felt unsteady and unsafe for the first time since I learned to ride in the 1970s. I was OK once I managed to get on but leaping off as I had done so effortlessly for four decades did not come easily. I’ve since had a diagnosis of osteoporosis and figure a hard fall on the road into my 70s may not end well.

Men’s Shed Research

The DOWNLOAD link below, ‘CG Research Tables to 2021’, provides access to a list of all research directly related to or inclusive of Men’s Sheds organisations in community setting which had been published internationally to June 2021.

This research list complements my forthcoming 2021 book, Shoulder to Shoulder: Broadening the Men’s Shed Movement: see New Shed Book, Oct 2021 as well as my 2015 book, The Men’s Shed Movement: The Company of Men‘ (available for order via Common Ground Publishing in the US).

The list will be updated every six months commencing January & July 2022. If there are errors and omissions please email Barry Golding:

‘The Shed’, Goolwa’ South Australia, opened 1993. Photo taken 2015

Neereman Protectorate, 1840/1

History of the Aboriginal Protectorate on the Loddon River at Neereman: 

Review and transcription of original documentary evidence

Protectorate established November 1840, abandoned June 1841

Barry Golding, 26 May 2022:

What is new in this account?

This extended account provides:

  • new information as to where the Neereman Protectorate was located
  • new and comprehensive transcription of original 1840/41 Protectorate documents
  • new insights as to how and why the site was selected and why it was abandoned
  • a new evidence as to why it was called ‘Neereman’ by the Dja Dja Wurrung and the ‘fishponds on the plains’ by squatter, John Hepburn in 1840
  • a case for closer attention from authorities concerned about acknowledging, protecting and accurately interpreting the site.

Remarkably, very little of this story has been told before. If the 2020-22 COVID-19 pandemic has one upside for me, it has provided the opportunity to write and publish off the back of much of what I’ve collected. As with all histories, this is just some of the story based on partial evidence. I look forward to being told what I might have missed and got wrong.

I have deliberately left in most of the detail in my transcripts of original documents so the information is available for summary and analysis by others in the future. I am 72 year old as I write this and am concerned that what I have learnt is not forgotten again and passed on to future generations. In future I hope that this remarkable and important site will become better recognised, interpreted and protected with the involvement and support of the Dja Dja Wurrung traditional owners and the local landholders.

Context for this historical account

In June 1841, just one hundred and eighty years ago, an attempt by the Colonial government to create what might today be called ‘a concentration camp’ for several hundred First Nations people in the ‘northwest’ of the then Colony of Port Philip on the Loddon River at present day Neereman was abandoned. 

Established in November 1840 in the heart of the Dja Dja Wurrung Aboriginal Nation downstream of present day Cairn Curran Reservoir, only a handful of people know where this former, pre-Franklinford, 1840-41 ‘Aboriginal Protectorate’ site is or what actually happened here. In brief, several hundred Aboriginal people were forced by the Colonial government to seek refuge on and beyond their own Country in the face of a brutal and deadly squatter invasion, organised resistance from the colonial newspapers, raging pandemics, a harsh summer, protracted El Nino and hunger. 

The huge penalty for the relative safety briefly provided to Dja Dja Wurrung and people from other First Nations by the Protectorate was the loss of Country, language and culture. Promised permanent solace and safely at Neereman, the families who reluctantly ‘took the bait’ were moved six months later to a new ‘permanent’ site at Franklinford (north of Daylesford), itself abolished in late 1849, and by 1864 to the Coranderrk Mission near Healesville until it too was closed. In the process the people were deliberately exposed to a warped form of missionary Christianity, that as historian Robert Kenny wrote in The lamb enters the dreaming, placed suffering at its core, and sought to console people living amongst sickness and death.

Almost every part of this tragic story about Neereman, one of the oldest Aboriginal Protectorate sites in south eastern Australia had been lost. Using original documents and maps, this blog, for the first time in 180 years, confidently identifies the original 1840-41 ‘Neereman’ site. It sits on a high sandy bank above a stunningly beautiful but rarely visited, wide and deep section of the Loddon River 6 km north of Baringhup. 

This account reveals why this section of the Loddon River was tantalisingly described to Chief Protector George Robinson by John Hepburn in February 1840 as the ‘fishponds on the plains’. It also provides a new and alternative explanation as to why it might have been called ‘Nirriman’ ‘by the Dja Dja Wurrung, other than Edward Parker’s son, Joseph’s, 1916 translation of ‘Neura Mong’ as a ‘place to hide’. Dja Dja Wurrung descendant and linguist Harley Dunolly-Lee confimed in 2022 that ‘nyura mang’ indeed means ‘hide here’.

As Harley Dunolly-Lee explained in 2022, ‘one of the Protector’s main roles was to learn the language for the purpose of concentration. Renaming the place was part of delivering that message to the Dja Dja Wurrung ancestors. Robinson records in his journal in 1841 that he made contact with he Dja Dja Wurrung and told the Burung Balak and Gal Gal Balak clans that Parker was going to “sit down amongst them”. So naming the place reconfirmed this because many Aboriginal people who arrived there already knew who Parker was (see Attwood 2019, 117)‘.

It was here on a flat and sandy area north of the river still known as ‘Parker’s Plains’ by some local old timers, that Aboriginal people were being encouraged by Edward Parker to plant English seeds in the middle of the scorching El Nino summer of February 1841. The river banks show no sign of the many wood and bark huts that were constructed for over one hundred Aboriginal people, Protectorate staff and families during the eight months of 1840/41 that the Protectorate operated, nor any evidence of the former 1840 Protectorate ‘cultivation paddock’.

The banks close to the waterline on this wide and deep section of the Loddon River today are lined with huge and ancient River red gums. On the elevated sandy banks are a few remnant Buloke trees and there is an old peppercorn tree on a sandy ridge where a Protectorate homestead might have been. 

Readers should note that the site is in 2022 on private land south of the Baringhup-Eddington Road. The public road that crosses the Loddon River downstream of the site are at Hamilton’s Crossing, today an attractive streamside reserve on the Baringhup–West Eastville Road. Until steps are taken to protect the site, visitation to the area is discouraged other than on public roads, river bank easements or Hamilton’s Crossing Crown Reserve.

Neereman: The Big picture

The Neereman area, according to Parker in 1840 was particularly important to Dja Dja Wurrung people. This section seeks to ascertain why this might be so. If one takes a helicopter view of Dja Dja Wurrung Country it is close to central. The site is ecotonal in that provided access to a range of pre-contact ecosystems and therefore food resources within relatively close proximity. The Myrniong-rich Moolort volcanic grasslands and Casuarina woodland are immediately to the south. A geological map of surrounding area, below (Dyson, 2010, extracted from the Bells Swamp Management Plan, 2015: the westward ‘kink’ in Loddon River close to the Protectorate site is just north of what is marked as ‘Chalk Lead’ towards the southern edge of the map) shows that much of the surrounding area is weathered ancient bedrock, with quite different woodland vegetation associations. To the east is the very different granite country and vegetation west of the Tarrengower range. The green hashing delineating the Loddon Deep Lead is inclusive of the thick clay layer which the Loddon cuts through at the Neereman site. The riverine plain sediments in the area marked as white are relatively fertile. Then there is nearby Bells Swamp itself, an important ephemeral wetland.

Identifying exactly where the site is took some effort, as Yandoit local historian Edgar Morrison found in the 1960s. Morrison left some useful clues after locating the approximate site in Early days in the Loddon Valley (1966).

Morrison noted in 1966 that the site was ‘a mile or so upstream’ of the current ‘Hamilton’s Crossing Crown Reserve’ on the Baringhup-West Eastville Road. In 1966 it was then on a property owned by the ‘Jennings Brothers’ (Morrison, 1966, page 23). Morrison was guided to the site by Claude Jennings’ oral history about ‘Parker’s Plains’ as well as descriptions of the locality and the width and length of the deep pools in the Loddon River written by Edward Parker’s son, Joseph Parker, in 1916. These notes were recalled from Joseph’s early childhood over 70 years before whilst living at the original Protectorate site for over six months in 1840/1.

My initial search for the site focussed on the relatively wide section of the Loddon River, within the northern border of the Parish of Baringhup and the southern part of the Neereman Parish. It was assisted by the excellent aerial view available of the huge pools, see my photo below, along the Loddon River provided by Google Map.

The Loddon River at the Neereman Aboriginal Protectorate site

The aerial images confirmed that the land north of a distinctive, long and wide east west section of the Loddon was today being irrigated by three huge ‘centre pivots’ on land that turned out to be still owned and farmed by the Jennings family. Paul Jennings and family still live nearby in 2022. Given Paul’s father only bought the nearby ‘Red Banks’ property in 1943, all Paul knew about the Protectorate site was contained in Geoff Morrison’s A successful failure, a trilogy: The Aborigines and early settlersconsolidating Edgar Morrison’s previously (1966) published works in 2002. 

I met the landowner and have since made several trips to the site during 2019-22 with the land owners advance permission. I have subsequently located new documents and maps to confidently locate the site and better inform this story.

Background to creation of Aboriginal Protectorates in the Port Phillip Colony

The contact history of Indigenous people in Australia was from the earliest times of colonisation until relatively recently, strongly shaped by Christian missions and government reserves, the breaking up of families and removal of children from their parents. Christian missionaries played a prominent role in modelling and managing such regimes. Unsurprisingly, the history of Aboriginal Missions and the Aboriginal Protectorates that preceded them in the footprint of present day Victoria is conveniently forgotten.

While the Aboriginal Protectorates in the Colony of Port Phillip during the 1840s provided some government sponsored protection and shelter from the worst settler violence, they were totally missionary in terms of their intent, staffing and operation. It was about Christian preaching and teaching, with the aim of civilizing and Christianising First Nations peoples.

Two Aboriginal Protectorate Stations were established in the Port Phillip Colony north of the Great Dividing Range. The ‘north east’ one on the Goulburn River near present day Mitchelton (later relocated to near present day Murchison) was established by James Dredge and overseen by him in incredibly difficult circumstances between May 1839 and June 1840. The other, ‘north west’ Protectorate was at what has sometimes been called ‘Neura Mong’ on the present day Neereman site.

The brief story is that the site, with Assistant Protector Edward Parker in charge, was quickly deemed as unsatisfactory for the agricultural purposes originally intended as an important part of the perceived ‘civilizing’ process. It was relocated to what was deemed a more suitable site adjacent to Mount Franklin close to present day Franklinford, operating there from June 1841 for the rest of the decade until 1849.

Some aspects of the foundation and operation of the site at Neereman and the reasons for its relocation by Parker were first examined by Edgar Morrison in Early days in the Loddon Valley (1966, pp.16-32), and again quite (recently 50 years later) in Bain Attwood’s (2017) book, The Good Country (2017, pp.110-114). 

Where did the Protectorate idea come from?

The Protectorate system in the Port Philip Colony of New South Wales was a poorly planned, hopelessly managed and dreadfully executed experiment. The rules and plans were created by the Colonial government ‘on the run’ and were amended in response to rapidly changing circumstances and feedback on the ground from the Aboriginal Protectors. The original ideas came top-down from afar in London (the UK) and its Colonies in Sydney (NSW) and Port Phillip (now Melbourne). It was in part informed by experience of the then recent experience of missionary failure dating back to the 1820s in the Wellington Valley (east of present day Dubbo) 350km inland from Newcastle. 

Harley Dunolly-Lee generously provided the following useful background in 2022 as to where the idea originated.

A report was dispatched in 1837 among the colonies that about the mistreatment towards Indigenous people such as the unfair seizure of land, settler violence and murder and the introduction of alcohol, disease and prostitution (Christie 1979, 85; Edmonds & Laidlaw 2020; Elbourne 2003).  

The report came in three editions. The initial report was the official Parliamentary Papers sent to the British Parliament. The second report was published and printed by the Society of Friends (Quakers). Lastly, the Aborigines Protection Society (APS) published Report of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Aboriginal Tribes (British Settlements) reprinted with comments by the Aborigines Protection Society. However, it was the APS report that had influenced the British and its colonies (Edmonds & Laidlaw 2020).

The report emphasized that Indigenous people were subjects of the Crown and needed protection under the British law. The report made suggestions to the Imperial Government for Protectors to be placed in each colony (Attwood 2017, 79).[1] It pointed out that in order for Indigenous people to cope with the forthcoming effects of colonization, they needed to be ‘civilized’ and convert to Christianity. They viewed this as a way of reparation for the British who were committing sins against the Indigenous people (Elbourne 2003). 

The Secretary of State for the Colonies, Lord Glenelg had carried this through to the Governor of New South Wales, Sir George Gipps. However, only five Protectors were to be appointed within the Port Phillip District (Attwood 2017, 79-80). The Protector’s main duties drawn from the report were: 

  1. To guard and protect the rights of Aboriginal people from further settler invasion and violence. 
  • To represent the requirements and complaints of Aboriginal people reported to the government
  • To Christianise Aboriginal people. 
  • To convince Aboriginal people to relocate to one area. 
  • Once relocated; Aboriginal people would be civilized, educated and learn to cultivate the land.
  • To learn the language of the Aboriginal people for the purpose of communication. (Attwood 2017, 79; Cannon 1983, 374-375). 

The protectors needed to learn an understanding of the language in order to have make duties 1-5 possible.

The four Assistant Protectors including Edward Parker and family had arrived in Australia from the UK in late 1838. It was an almost impossible task trying to select a site and implement the Colonial government’s poorly-defined plans in practice, interpreted through their own largely missionary lenses, in a landscape in which the best land and water had already been seized by squatters.

On 4 June 1840 Chief Protector Robinson communicated the Governor’s directions in relation to the Protectorates to his four Assistant Protectors. They were required to select a suitable site for:

‘… a reserve of one square mile of land for a homestead, for each of the Assistant Protectors. [There will be] no stations within five miles of the Assistant Protector’s residences. … The square mile or 640 acres forming the inner reserve is intended for cultivation, and the outer reserve of five miles radius (or a circle of ten miles in diameter) for the hunting grounds of the natives, but as every effort is to be made to induce them to engage in Agriculture or regular industry, the extent of their hunting grounds is to be gradually curtailed instead of increased, and it is for this reason that his Excellency intends to make the inner reserve Permanent and the outer only a Temporary one’.

It is of some interest 180 years later that the word ‘permanent’ was underlined given the very temporary nature of what transpired.

The Governor’s plan in the Port Phillip Colonies, while based ‘… on the same principle for those provided for the Wesleyan Missionaries in the County of Grant’ (in the Wellington Valley, NSW, near present day Dubbo), stressed prophetically that:

‘Great care however is to be observed in selecting the site; which especially is to be remote from the settled Districts, otherwise similar difficulties to which the Missionaries as Wellington Valley have had to contend with may again recur.’

Here Robinson was referring to the Wellington Valley Mission, initiated by Wesleyan missionaries in 1824, and later taken over by the Anglican Church Missionary Society in 1832 with the financial support of the NSW Colonial Government, to later become the first of many missions in Australia to employ ordained Germans. 

The rush to take up country in New South Wales in the early 1800s had previously resulted in deadly clashes with the local people. In the Bathurst area, after seven shepherds were killed, Governor Brisbane declared martial law in 1824 for all land west of Mount York (in the Katoomba area 150 km west of Sydney). The subsequent ‘dispersal’ (often brutal murders and massacres) of Indigenous people by soldiers and settlers became standard practice and resulted in many deaths.

Meanwhile calls were mounting for renewed efforts to ‘civilise and Christianise’ those whose lands were being rapidly expropriated. Since early ventures such as Governor Macquarie’s Native Institution at Parramatta and Blacktown had had very limited success, it was felt that new missions should be founded as far as possible from settled areas.

Two Wesleyan missionaries, William Walker and John Harper, had suggested the Wellington Valley as a possible site, because of its then relative isolation at the limits of legal settlement. Harper travelled to Wellington Valley in 1824 and stayed there for almost two years while he waited for the government to make the Wesleyans a land grant of 10,000 acres (40 square kilometres) for a mission.

The information cited about the Wellington Valley experience (1832-43) that follows is quoted from research on German missionaries in Australia undertaken between 2011 and 2015 by Professor Regina Ganter of Griffith University.

In summary the Wellington Valley Mission’s success was zero, based on the targeted number of Christian conversions, as below:

… history was marred by internal strife, first between the Englishman William Watson and his co-labourer Johann Handt, and then between Watson and Handt’s successor, Jakob (James) Günther. After Watson was dismissed from Wellington Valley in 1840, he and his wife began a new, rival mission nearby, known as Apsley. The original mission closed in 1843 and is generally considered to have been a complete failure, since it made no lasting conversions.’

Fast forward to September 1840, by which time the Colonial Office in Port Phillip had agreed to appoint ‘Agricultural overseers’ as part of the Protectorate plan, again with the caveat that the perceived mistakes in the Wellington Valley would not be repeated.

‘Assistant Protectors of the Goulburn and Mount Macedon districts [including Parker will] be allowed to make a choice of Agricultural or Government Overseers to Superintend the Agricultural Establishment to set on foot for the benefit of the aborigines, with Governor’s concurrence … with salary at the rate of one hundred pounds a year cash, with an allowance of one shilling a day in lieu of rations. …

I am however to remark that in sanctioning these appointments the Governor cannot but feel apprehensive that results may follow similar to those which at Wellington Valley have rendered the Missionary Institution nearly, if not altogether useless. His Excellency also desires me to request that you will earnestly caution the Chief Protector, and also his Assistants, that the Establishment of a Homestead for each of Assistant is not intended to exempt him from the duty of itinerating amongst the Tribes under his protection: and also that the whole of the produce raised at each Homestead or Establishment is to be for the exclusive use of the aborigines, and that any appropriation of the same to the use or for the advantage of the Protectors, or any white persons, will be considered an abuse, calling for the Governor’s instant and most effective interference.’

The missionaries in the Wellington Valley had experienced many difficulties in their work with the local Wiradjuri people. At the end of his first official report for the years 1832 and 1833, former schoolmaster Watson who was dedicated to the teaching part of the Mission’s ‘preaching and teaching’ function, made an enumerated list of these difficulties as follows. Most if not all of these difficulties, summarised below, would later be experienced by Edward Parker and the Dja Dja Wurrung people on the Loddon River Neereman site in 1840-1.

  1. The prevalence of Wiradjuri women living with European men. [Watson commented that women in this situation were kept away from the influence of the mission, and their minds were ‘poisoned and prejudiced against the motives, persons and labours of Christian missionaries’. He also believed that their unwanted children were often murdered, although proof was hard to obtain].
  2. The Wiradjuri’s ‘avoidance rules’ such as the refusal of young Indigenous men to be in the same room as an Indigenous woman. This added to the difficulties of conducting church services and a school.
  3. The Wiradjuri’s unwillingness to settle down in one place.
  4. The Wiradjuri’s ‘remarkable aversion to labour’.
  5. The cost of purchasing provisions, and the difficulty of growing crops.
  6. The Wiradjuri’s ongoing prejudice against missionaries, for which Watson blamed the settlers’ tales mentioned previously.

How Edward Parker selected the Neereman site

Edward Parker had arrived in Australia in September 1838 with his young family from England to take up the task of Assistant Protector of Aborigines, never having been outside of England and never having seen an Aborigine. He was subordinate to a much more experienced (and arguably duplicitous) Chief Protector George Augustus Robinson, who had done such a ‘good job’ rounding up Aboriginal Tasmanians and having them all removed to be concentrated on Flinders Island by the 1830s. 

On this basis, the Colonial government gave Robinson the task of managing the four Assistant Protectors and concentrating people from more than 20 Aboriginal Nations across the present state of Victoria into just four relatively small Protectorate stations roughly on the four compass Directions, NW, NE, SW and SE.

The map reproduced, below, from ‘Victorian squatters’ compiled by Robert Spreadborough and Hugh Anderson. in 1983 indicates in black shading the position of three of the four 1840s Protectorates: the SW one at Mount Rouse, Mount Franklin towards the ‘NW’ and the Michelton Protectorate towards the NE. The map usefully shows ‘Mitchell’s Line’, his track from Portland back towards Sydney. The key confirms that these three Protectorates and the land taken up earliest (by 1840) approximately coincided. The Protectorate not shown is the one in the SW at Narre Warren.

If they were created today, Protectorates might be properly be called refugee or concentration camps. Aborigines were to be coerced and encouraged to leave their traditional lands, to be herded together regardless of language and culture to be protected from the violence and removal associated with squatting, to settle down, convert to Christianity and practice agriculture. On top of all other indignities, there was a belief that removing people from Country, preventing people from practising their traditional cultures, speaking their own languages and removing their children would make this transition (and their eventual demise) quicker and more efficient. This process would today be called genocide.

Parker was given responsibility for the ‘north west’ area, then called the Mount Macedon District, as this prominent landmark was close to the limits of colonial inland settlement north west of early Melbourne at the time of his arrival in Australia. Nearby Jackson’s Creek near present day Sunbury became the Parker family’s temporary base while Edward tried to work out where his Protectorate might be most effectively based. 

Parker’s protracted excursion with George Robinson in early 1840 north of the Great Dividing Range into Dja Dja Wurrung country in present day north central Victoria was intended to help identify where that site might be. The trip included a four-night stay by Parker and Robinson with Captain John Hepburn on his Smeaton Hill run from 13-17 February 1840 and an exploratory trip with Hepburn’s cart north to the Loddon River in the vicinity of present day Newstead from 18-22 February and as far north as present day Gough’s Range, today north of Cairn Curran Reservoir. Where they actually went on this five day trip is documented here for the first time.

On 14 February 1840 Robinson accompanied Hepburn and Parker to the summit of what Robinson wrote as Korertanger (Mount Kooroocheang). He noted in his private daily journal, that from the peak ‘Mr Hepburn pointed out the place for Parker’s Station, distant 9 miles NE and by N on the Major’s [Mitchell’s] Line where he encamped’. This description corresponds approximately to the Loddon River close to the site of present day Newstead. The detailed description of the site alluding to its attractiveness as a Protectorate site that follows was presumably suggested by Hepburn, since neither Robinson nor Parker had previously visited it when it was written in Robinson’s diary. 

‘There are large water holes there and plenty of fish, and kangaroos in abundance. And it’s on the border. Nor will it be required. Hence, a better site for an establishment could not be selected for the district. It is accessible from Melbourne, 90 miles by road through the ranges and would be easily found, being on the Major’s [Mitchell’s] Line.’

Robinson’s description of it being ‘on the border’ and ‘not being required’ presumably refers to it being close to the then northern edge of the extent of pastoral stations in the Port Phillip District and not being required for existing stations. The next day Robinson learned from Hepburn that the ‘90 mile road through the ranges’ to Melbourne [from Smeaton via Mollison’s run near present day Kyneton] could be considerably shortened to 80 miles by going via Stieglitz’s [near present day Ballan] ‘instead of 120 [miles] by Geelong’. 

Robinson also recorded that Mr Hepburn had pointed to a hill he ‘calls Jem Crow [Mount Franklin], because of the numerous small hollows about it’. Each of these sites feature prominently in the landscape and subsequent Aboriginal Protectorate history. Fortuitously, while later camping on the Loddon River near present day Newstead, Robinson met two Dja Dja Wurrung men who identified Jem Crow as, Mitchell’s ‘Salus’ as Tarengower and the Loddon River near present day Newstead as Pul.ler.gil yal.oke.

On 18 February 1840 Robinson diarised that while he was ‘undecided whether to go to Jem Crow Hill [Mt Franklin] or the fish ponds [on the Loddon River] on the plains’, they nevertheless took the latter option and headed north across the plains towards the Loddon River. My careful examination of Robinson’s diary shows they went over the Stoney Rises near the present Tuki Trout Farm, close to present day Campbelltown and north along Joyce’s Creek to the series of large ponds in the Loddon River immediately downstream of present day Newstead. 

On 21 February Robinson’s detailed description of climbing up onto on ‘an eminence SW and by S of Tarengower’, including his description of the rocks and other peaks visible in the landscape, placed them on the metamorphosed stony ridge on the edge of the western edge of present day Gough’s Range, owned by Duncan and Julie McGinty in 2022. This was as far north as they ventured on this trip. At this point they were still approximately 15 km from the soon to be selected Neereman Protectorate site, but the site would have been visible from Gough’s Range.

By mid-1840 Parker, having returned to his temporary base near Mount Macedon, had seen and heard enough evidence of what was happening to Aborigines in Melbourne and on the relatively lawless frontier into which he was required to somehow embed himself, to come to some firm, strong and evidence-based conclusions. 

Parker’s Periodical (six monthly) Report for 1 March to 31 August 1840 was informed by his time consuming and impossible work within and beyond the current site of Melbourne unsuccessfully seeking justice for the many Aboriginal deaths and indignities regularly being reported to his office. What follows is verbatim, in full, taken from his written report. The words replaced by ‘XXX’ in this and the other transcripts in this account were unclear to me or uncertain in the handwritten original.

‘During the months of October, December, January and February [1840] I was in contact communication with various parties of aborigines of the Jajowrong, Taoungurong and Witowrong and XXX tribes. These tribes either partially or entirely range the District under my charge. From them I have obtained much information illustrative of the aboriginal statistics of the district. This information, when properly matured and confirmed will be remitted in a district communication.

Several important facts materially affecting the condition and prospects of the aboriginal population, as well as the security of the persons and property of the colonists have been forcibly brought under my notice. I beg most respectfully to submit them to the consideration if Her Majesty’s Colonial government.

  1. The first is the rapid occupation of the entire country by settlers and the consequent attempts made to deprive the aborigines of the natural products of the country and to exclude them from their native soil. The entire country of the Waverong and Witowrong tribes, with scarcely any exceptions is now sold or occupied by squatters. A considerable portion of the country XXX by the Jajowong and Taoungurong tribes is also taken up by sheep or cattle runs. The very spots most valuable to the aborigines for their productiveness – the creeks, water courses and rivers – are the first to be occupied. It is a common opinion among the settlers that with the possession of a squatting licence entitles them to the exclusion of the aborigines from their runs. Lately Mr Monro, having pushed his stations on both sides of the Coloband [Coliban River] and up the tributary creeks to Mount Alexander [Leanganook] complained in a public journal that “the blacks are still lurking around the creeks – that they seem determined to act as lords of the soil”, etc. etc. The plain fact is their ordinary place of resort, as furnishing them with the most abundant supplies of food. Precisely similar is the relative situation of the native and colonial population in other parts of the district – both parties mutually regarding each other as intruders. Are the territorial rights of to aborigines to be set aside by violence? Appointed as I have been by Her Majesty’s Government specially to “watch over the rights and interests of the natives” and to “protect their property and from acts of cruelty, oppression and injustice”, (vide Letter of Instructions from Sir G. Grey, Feb 12th 1838) I deem it my duty respectfully but firmly to assert the right of the aborigines to the soil and its indigenous productions, until suitable compensation be made for its occupation by reserving and cultivating a sufficient portion for their maintenance.
  • Another fact consequential upon the foregoing is the diminution of the natural food of the aborigines. Having in a formal communication asserted to this (vide Letter dated June 20th 1839), I need only now state that the facts then asserted have been fully corroborated by subsequent observation and enquiry, and that I am prepared with ample evidence to substantiate these assertions. The common result of this is that the natives resort to the outstations to procure bread, and too frequently under the excitement of hunger or cupidity, to take by force denied to their importunity. They have acquired universally a taste for the whiteman’s food – they tell me invariably they prefer it to their own wild productions. This acquired taste might and ought to be employed as a secondary means of their civilization.
  • I have seen in my recent intercourse with the aborigines considerable numbers of children and I invariably find among them a great quickness of apprehension and evident XXX for instruction. It is my duty therefore respectfully to urge the necessity and importance of having the children as much as possible concentrated and at once brought under Christian instruction. Every moment lost in this matter is a postponement of the hope of their ultimate civilization. Then old may be restrained, but the young will certainly be reclaimed if suitable means be at once employed.
  • It is my duty also to assert to the fact that I find it impossible to attach myself to entire tribes, from the circumstances that the tribes are most usually broken into small parties often ranging widely from each other in search of food. The only occasion when they assemble in any considerable numbers is when they resort to particular spots where some kinds of food may be abundant for a season, as to places abounding in fish or the mernon [Myrniong] root; and when different tribes meet to settle disputes by conflict or otherwise; this appears to be almost invariably in the vicinity of Melbourne. As these occasions are not of frequent recurrence, it is becoming daily more necessary that the Protector should possess some point of concentration – some fixed station to which he may invite and bring the aborigines.
  • Although indolence and dislike of constrained labour are, in common with all savages, characteristic vices of the aborigines I am connected with, I am happy to state that many instances have come to my knowledge where they have employed themselves to the satisfaction of the settlers and to their own advantage. I have found a man and boy, natives of an adjoining District, employed by Mr Piper as shepherds; they are both described as faithful and efficient servants. Several others have been named to me as occasionally employed in shepherding, washing sheep, packing wool etc. I have not found among those who have visited my station any insurmountable repugnance to cook, when properly encouraged and rewarded, and not barely commanded, but having no permanent station, no means of cultivation, and indeed up to the present time no direct authority to issue provisions as a reward for labour, I am not in a situation to employ this method of promoting their civilization.

In conclusion, I beg respectfully to express my solemn ands deliberate conviction that the present relative position of the aboriginal and colonial population must undergo a decided and speedy change, to prevent the increase of predatory attacks on colonial property on the one hand, and the continuance of a system of illegal punishment and indiscriminate slaughter on the other. While I find it next to impossible, from the desultory [meaning: lack of plan, purpose or enthusiasm] nature of my present official duties to employ the only official means of permanent civilization, i.e. Christian instruction, I am painfully conscious that the wandering aborigines are sinking to a lower degree of moral degradation by the promiscuous intercourse which they have with the vitiated portion of the lower classes in the colony. I cannot persuade the younger females to resist the importunities of the white man while I am unable to offer a counter-inducement in the shape of food, clothing or shelter. I cannot draw away the men from the stations when they can obtain more liberal supplies than I can furnish, by pandering to the lusts of those who occupy them. The results of this vicious intercourse, disease, jealousy, brutal quarrels both with whites and blacks, are rendering the condition of the natives more deplorable, and the property of the colonists more insecure. Unless prompt and efficient measures are taken to concentrate and provide for the aborigines, I look forward to the approaching winter as a period of aggravated outrage on both sides. It is universally acknowledged to be a time of privation to the natives – that privation must increase with every successive season. Concentrated and their wants provided for, they might soon be brought under such restraints as would guard them against injury, and secure the property of the colonists from deprivation. But left in their present state to be beaten back by “the white men’s foot”, to be excluded, perforce, from lands which they unquestionably regard as their own property, and from scenes as dear to them as our own native homes to us – despoiled, denied the rights of humanity classified with and treated as wild dogs, I can entertain no other expectation but that they will be driven to more frequent depredation, and exposed to more rapid and certain destruction.

Despite the understandable frustration evident in Parker’s above report, after his return to his Jackson’s Creek home base after his tour with Robinson, Parker had written to Robinson on 18 March 1840 confirming that he wished ‘to station myself and my family immediately in a central situation I have indicated’. It is unclear as to which if any map or more detailed description was appended.

Until September 1840, Parker’s attempt to set up his Protectorate was further delayed by his need to respond to even more ‘outrages’ against Aboriginal people, this time on the Upper Werribee in Watharung country. 

Insights from Parker’s Quarterly Journals, late 1840 to mid 1841

Much of what follows is detailed verbatim transcription of online records housed in the Public Records Office in North Melbourne. It relies very heavily on extracts from Parker’s Quarterly official Journal. While I have provided some other evidence to help establish context and place, I have attempted to leave most of the rich detail in with minimal commentary. My purpose is to allow Parker to give a firsthand account of what he was thinking and doing: first by identifying a likely Protectorate site during mid-1840, then moving onto the Neereman site by November 1840, attempting to ‘make it work’ over a scorching El Nino summer, and finally moving the Protectorate back to near Mount Franklin in mid-1841 when the original site proved to be totally unsuitable.

In his Quarterly Journal (September 1-November 30, 1840), Parker wrote that he was, on 1 September 1840:

‘… at the station, Yeerip Hills near Mount Macedon preparing to proceed to the Loddon to select a site for a homestead and aboriginal reserve. A small party of aborigines are camped close to my hut.

Received this evening from Melbourne the Port Phillip Herald of the previous day in which I found a report of no less than six outrages said to have been perpetrated by the aborigines at different stations on the Upper Weirabee [Werribee River] in the course of three days last week. I have lately received intimations from some of the aborigines who have been staying with me that the tribes were greatly irritated by the violent measures taken to exclude them from Melbourne as well as the treatment they receive from many of the settlers. I have been plainly told that the natives would “by and bye” take to the mountains and try to drive the “white fellows” from their country. I have done all in my power to appease this feeling and show them the danger and folly of such a step; and at the same time convince them that their exclusion from Melbourne was for their good. With those I have had access to, I believe I have succeeded. But fearing that these reported outrages on the Weirabee might be the first outbreaking of this general hostility. I deem it my first duty then before proceeding to the Loddon. 

On September 4, 5 & 6th Parker proceeded on to:

‘Bacchus’s, Clarkes’, Campbell XXX’s, Steiglitz’s and Grays’ stations [squatters in the vicinity of present day Bacchus Marsh and Ballan] and took further depositions from squatters and their employees. All of this activity investigating outrages, though urgent and necessary, encouraged and sanctioned by Robinson, took Parker away from his primary role of establishing his Protectorate station somewhere ‘in the northwest’.

Robinson was nevertheless losing patience with what he perceived as Parker’s delaying tactics. Robinson wrote to Parker on 21 September 1840 requesting that Parker:

‘… transmit to this office with the least possible delay a clear description of the locality selected for the homestead and Agricultural Establishment for the exclusive benefit of the Aboriginal natives of your district in order that instructions may be immediately furnished to the Crown Commissioner to carry into effect His Excellency’s commands in prohibiting all Squatters within the prescribed limits.’

Parker’s Quarterly Journal (September 1- November 30, 1840) confirms that as a result he returned to Dja Dja Wurrung country on 22 September, proceeding:

‘… to Mollison’s outstation near Lalgambook or “Jim Crow Hill” [Mount Franklin] to examine the country with reference to its fitness for the proposed aboriginal homestead and reserve, also to investigate alleged robbery of some articles from a watchbox by the aborigines of which I had received information at the head station.

[On 23 Sept Parker] Continued the examination of the country up the creek and around the hills Lalgambook [Mount Franklin] and Moorootah [present day Mount Stewart, 3 km NW of Mount Franklin]. I obtained also much valuable information from my native attendant Yerrebulluk.

On 24 Sept I proceeded this day down the Loddon to [Lauchlan] Mackinnon’s station [south of Mount Tarrengower] having heard that one of their outstations had been attacked and robbed by the aborigines. In the evening I took the depositions of two men in reference to this transaction.

25th & 26 Sept I continued the examination of the banks of the Loddon from Mackinnon’s [downstream] to a spot some miles below the Tarrengower mountain where I found a site which seemed to be peculiarly eligible for the aboriginal establishment, but finding that the whole vicinity to have been recently occupied by Messrs Dutton & Darlot I deemed it advisable to postpone taking possession till I had received the sanction of his Honour the Superintendent. Returned therefore to Mackinnons.’

For context, James Monckton Darlot had arrived in Sydney in 1834 from Portsmouth in England. By September 1840 he was in partnership with William Hampden Dutton and Donald Campbell Simson, later called ‘Dutton, Darlot & Simson Bros.’ Darlot and Dutton had set off from Sydney in early 1840 with sheep and cattle, originally intending to take up country at Portland Bay. The overlanders had problems with sheep dying of ‘catarrh’, so they drove them around the north end of Mount Alexander to ‘avoid stations’, setting up ‘boughyards’ for their sheep on the Loddon and Deep Creek north of Simson’s Charlotte Plains run.

Lauchlan Mackinnon (1817-88) was the first owner of the Tarrangower pastoral run from 1839-42. In 1840 the run of 61,209 acres extended from Mount Tarrengower to Mount Franklin including a southern outstation at present day Yandoit Creek. A stone shepherd’s hut still inhabited in 2022 by Duncan McKinnon on Cockatoo Gully in Yandoit Creek is one of the few outstation buildings still standing from this era.

The Tarrangower run was sold in 1842 to another Scotsman, William Hunter. Mackinnon had migrated to Tasmania in 1838 from the Isle of Skye, Scotland, later moving to Sydney, before overlanding stock to Adelaide for Campbell & Co, and then with more stock from Sydney to Port Phillip. Mackinnon later became co-editor of the Argus newspaper. 

Yerrebulluk, who Parker mentions above, was described as his ‘native attendant’, was then approximately 15 years old. He was a Dja Dja Wurring  man from the Wurn Balug Clan centred on present day Talbot, according to Parker orphaned age eight in 1833. He recalled hiding in the bushes in 1836 as Major Mitchell passed through, likely in the vicinity of Mount Greenock (see monument, below). He adopted the European name ‘Dicky’ and later became a bullock driver ferrying supplies from Melbourne to Parker’s Protectorates at the Neereman and Franklinford sites. When the Franklinford Protectorate closed in 1850, Yerrebulluk obtained land and became a farmer. He died on 16 October 1862. The pace of change in Victoria in the 26 years of his life between sighting Major Mitchell and his death was massive. Six months before Yerrebulluk died, the Geelong-Ballarat railway was officially opened.

Monument commemorating Major Mitchel’s traverse, summit of Mount Greenock near Talbot

Parker had stumbled into a veritable newspaper ‘hornet’s nest’ by attempting to set up an Aboriginal establishment on the Loddon. Aside from being a squatter, Dutton was a co-owner of the Port Phillip Herald newspaper, one of the principal organs of the critics of the Aboriginal Protectorate, along with the Sydney Herald. Part of Bain Attwood’s account of the founding of the Neereman Protectorate in his The Good Country book draws on correspondence and editorials critical of Parker published in the Port Phillip Herald during December 1840 and January 1841. In its pages, fellow squatter Darlot threatened to sue Parker for serious loss as a consequence of what Darlot ironically saw as illegal occupation by the Protector and the Aborigines.

Returning to Parker’s late 1840’s Quarterly Journal, he recorded that on:

‘29th & 30th (Sept) Leaving the articles I had brought up at Messrs Mackinnon’s, who had kindly engaged to store them till my return, I proceeded this day with the drays to Major Mitchell’s Line to “Expedition Pass” [close to present day Chewton]’

The articles Parker actually left at Mackinnon’s station (on the southern slopes of Tarrengower) were likely to have included most of the agricultural materials detailed in the Protectorate 1840 schedule. The hand written list of what was procured by Parker on 16 July 1840, with cost in Pounds (£) shillings (s) and pence (p), is fully transcribed in Table 1 below. It is reproduced to confirm the intention was inclusive of working with wood and gardening, including the ‘seed potatoes’ and the ‘English seeds’.

The supplementary articles procured for ‘sewing’ at the base of the table were obtained just before finally Parker set off for the Neereman site in late October 1840. The medical equipment obtained in late December 1840 when Parker returned to Melbourne for Christmas would have been required for the medical officer on the site.

Table 1 Goods procured in Melbourne for the Neereman Protectorate, 1840

Date in 1840ArticlesAmount (£.s.d)
July 16Blankets, Red Shirts, Woollen Shirts 
 6 Bullocks @ 20 Pound and Commission126.00
 1 Plough10.00
 2 Harrows @ 70 shillings7.00
 24 Spades @ 5 shillings6.00
 6 garden Rakes @ 2/66.15
 12 Garden Hoes @ 4/32.11
 12 Grubbing hoes @ 6 shillings3.12
 1 Dray and Tarpaulin 35 Pounds, (commission 5 per cent 1.15)36.15
 3 grind stones, handles and spindles @ 20 shillings3.00
 2 mortice (= mortise] axes @ 4 shillings0.8
 12 falling axes @ 5/63.6
 2 American Augurs @ 7/60.15
 1 pair maul rings 7 ½ pounds @ 8 pence0.5
 1 set wedges 15lbs@ 8 pence0.10
 2 Cross cut saws, 12 ½ foot @ 5/33.5.7
 2 Hand Saws @7/60.15
 2 Wheel Barrows @ 45 shillings4.10
 1 Steel Mill5.15
 1 Ton seed potatoes17.00
 1 Paling knife0.7
 3 spoke shaves assorted @ 3/90.11.3
 6 pair files assorted @ 8 pence0.4
 2 saw setts @ 2/90.5.6
 12 XXX assorted @ 9 pence9 shillings
 28 pounds bottom nails @ 9 pence1.1.0
 3 pounds shingle nails @ ¼0.4
 14 pounds two shilling nails @ 8d 
 14 pounds twenty shilling nails @ 1 shillings0.14
 1 Vice2.0
 3 iron tripods 99 pounds @ 6 pence2.9.6
 1 claw hammer0.5
 2 pick axes @ 5/60.11
 3 Morticing Chisels @ 2/90.8.3
 2 Pails @ 7/70.15
 3 assorted Augurs @ 10 shillings1.10
 A Lot English seeds3.10
 6 Sets Bows & Yokes5.8
 Government duty on 6 bullocks 1½%1.16
 1 Dray Chain 15 pound0.10
 1 Bullock chain 30 pounds1.00
October 29 100 needles 
 2 pair scissors  
 4 combs  
 6 razors 
 1¼ pound of thread 
December 242 oz Alum 
 4 oz Tincture of Camphor [for skin rashes] 
 3 pounds Epsom salts 
 2 pounds Senna leaves [= a laxative] 
 1 oz Comp Extracts of Colycynth [a herb for diabetes] 
 4 oz Mercurial ointments 
 1 oz Sulphate zinc 
 4 oz Emplasture Cantharides [burn agent] 
 2 Sponges 
 1 Old linen sheet 
 1 Pestle & Mortar 
 1 Graduate glass measure 
 1 Syringe 

On 1 October 1840 Parker ‘sent the [presumably empty] dray homeward … directing the men to proceed with the cart across the country to the Campaspe near Monros’. He then returned home to his temporary family base at Yeerip Hills.

The list of food supplies provided to Parker for the calendar year 1840, also reproduced in the Table 2 below, includes a large quantity obtained a few days later on 5 October, presumably for carting up to the planned Neereman station, as well as for the large number of Aborigines then camped at his temporary home and station at Yeerip Hills. The even bigger extra quantity of food (in pounds: lbs) was obtained to bring back to the Neereman station on 21 December 1840, since the crops planted in the sand of the ‘cultivation paddock’ in mid-summer during the severe El Nino had, understandably, not produced the food Parker had anticipated, and starvation had set in.

Table 2: List of supplies provided to Parker for the calendar year 1840

Date 1840Flour lbsMeatlbsTea lbsSoap lbsSugar lbsTobacco lbsRicelbsSaltlbs
April 10400300147    
Oct 52,0001,4002814400  100
Dec 214,0002,000  5628500 

As an important aside, for much of October 1840, Parker had been stymied from getting out of Melbourne to Neereman, this time by his desperate need to intervene when several hundred Aborigines were locked up in a stockade in Melbourne in an incident generally referred to as the ‘Lettsom Raid’. At dawn on Sunday 11 October 1840, Major Samuel Lettsom, accompanied by 58 soldiers and police, rounded up 400 Aboriginal people who were camped near Melbourne and marched them to town, ‘pricking them with their bayonets and beating them with the butt end of their muskets’. Two Aboriginal men were killed in the process and others were wounded.

Major Lettsom had been dispatched from Sydney to apprehend Aboriginal leaders alleged to be responsible for attacks against settlers on the Goulburn River, but followed them to Melbourne after learning that they had gone there for a ceremonial gathering. Lettsom demanded that Assistant Protector William Thomas hand over the Goulburn ‘troublemakers’ ,but he refused, arguing that there were no warrants for their arrest. Lettsom then gained permission from Superintendent La Trobe to make the raid.

Edward Parker finally managed to free all but 30 of the Goulburn men, ten of whom were put on trial on 6 December 1840. They were tried without the benefit of a defence lawyer or interpreter and nine were sentenced to ten years transportation for theft. 

On 15 October 1840, amongst all of the above chaos, Parker found time to write to Robinson in response to his request for a report on possible Protectorate sites in the Mount Macedon (north west) district, confirming that during September 1840 he had:

‘… carefully examined the country on both sides of the River Loddon for above 25 miles along its course and am of the opinion that the most eligible locality for the aboriginal reserve is that indicated in my letter of July, viz. in the vicinity of the hill Tarrengower. The neighbourhood contains at present much game – is abundantly watered by the lagoons of the river in which there are plenty of fish – and is evidently a favourite place of resort with the natives with the almost innumerable indications of their occasional presence which I have observed. It is in the Learkabulluk [Clan of the Dja Dja Wurrung]. The land has been recently occupied by Messrs Dutton …[XXX last words not readable in original].

The most eligible situation for the homestead appears to me to be an alluvial tract about 3½ [5.6 km] miles WNW of the peak of Tarrengower, and about 12 miles [19 km] down the Loddon from Major Mitchell’s crossing place. The country to the westward is mostly an arid plain. To the eastward it is open forest. It would much enhance the value of the location as an aboriginal reserve if its westernmost limit were made three miles and its eastern seven miles from the central station or homestead. The distance from Melbourne by the present line of road is 105 to 110 miles.’

The description of the preferred homestead station described by Parker to Robinson would place it on the Loddon River close to the present day 2022 township of Baringhup. While the final site actually chosen at Neereman later in 1840 is around 6km further north and downstream of Baringhup, Parker’s distances are necessarily estimates in a then formally unmapped landscape.

Moving to the Neereman site

Parker records his activities in moving to the Loddon River site in detail in his Quarterly reports. In this section, most of the detailed history of the approximately eight months in total spent on the Neereman site is retained in Parker’s own words.

Between 1 to 14 November 1840 Parker was:

‘Travelling with my family and the aboriginal establishment under my charge to the locality on the Loddon approved by His Honour the Superintendent. Five orphan children and seven other aborigines accompanied me. We were detained on the 5th by one of the drays getting bogged and breaking the pole [on the dray]. On the 8th the pole of another dray … snapped in two, and it became necessary to cut and fit a pole. This, as there was no timber at hand caused the loss of the whole of the next day. On the 14th I camped on the Loddon one mile above Dutton and Darlot’s station.’

On 15th November 1840 Parker:

‘Proceeded with [Agricultural] Overseer Bazeley to the spot for a homestead four miles lower down the river. Found the aspect of the country entirely XXX since the end of Sept. The ground was parched – the grass mostly dried up. Bazeley looked over the whole of the ground in the vicinity and pronounced it an unfavourable spot of for agricultural purposes.’

The photo below taken in mid summer 2019 confirms how dry the country and sandy soil might have been in the extreme El Nino summer of 1840. The Loddon River course is where the trees protrude over the mid horizon. This is precisely where the Neereman Protectorate briefly and unsuccessfully attempted to establish a garden and produce food for as many as 200 people.

Approximate site of the 1840/41 Protectorate cultivation paddock. Mount Tarrengower & Goughs Range on the horizon, pivot irrigator in mid-ground. Photo taken in mid summer, 2019.

On 17 November Parker ‘removed to [selected] the site for the homestead’. The next day, 18 November, Parker:

‘Sent Overseer Bazeley to look at the ground between McKinnon’s and Lalgambook – as I felt some uncertainty as to the course I should pursue in the faithful discharge of my duty to the government. On his return he reported that the soil above Mackinnon’s was much superior to that conveyed yesterday. Still, as I had obtained the sanction of His Honour the Superintendent expressly for the lower station, as it was desirable that the station should be as low down the river as possible, as in every respect the lower station was more eligible, and the overseer thought that crops might be raised if there were sufficient falls of rain – I determined on placing the establishment on that [Neereman] site and fairly testing its capabilities.

Having learned, somewhat to my surprise that Dutton & Darlot had received no notice from the Crown Commissioner as to the occupation of the establishment of the aboriginal station, I sent this day a forma, notice of my arrival to the head station.’

On 19 November, Parker ‘Commenced the erection of a bark store for the goods under my charge’. Between 19-30November 1840, Parker:

‘… was occupied in building temporary huts for my family and the establishment, and the various labours usually connected with the formation of a new station in the bush. On the 23rd a party of aborigines of the Jajawrong tribe, numbering 41 men, women and children came to my station. Two other men came in on the 27th making with those who have travelled up with me a total of 55. They appear to welcome my arrival in their country with great warmth. The men immediately proceed to strip bark for the store and huts we were then building. Most of them were previously known to me.’

Parker’s separate, detailed list of Aborigines at the Protectorate on the Loddon during November 1840 confirms five ‘orphans’ and seven other children had travelled with him to the Neereman site, to be joined on 22 November by 43 Dja Dja Wurrung people in family Clan groups. One of the ‘orphaned male’ youths listed was previously mentioned Yeerebulluk. Parker’s census shows that most of the Dja Dja Wurrung people were either from the local Liarga bulluk Clan (including Dja Dja Wurrung ‘leader’ Manangabum and his family), or from Clans to the east of the Protectorate site. 

On 2 December (1840):

‘A party of 3 men and two boys came to the station this morning from the northwestward. As they appeared to march in with some degree of ceremony I received them in a similar manner. They spontaneously separated themselves into their respective sections [Clans] and were formally introduced by some of their number who reminded me that I had met them in different places on former occasions.’

From 3 to 12 December Parker reports that he:

‘… was employed among the aborigines congregated at my station in the collection of statistical information, the direction of their labour and the various arrangements XXX to the formation of a new station. The number of aborigines assembled continued to increase till XXX the 14th. They numbered about 170 men, women and children. There are many circumstances connected with this tribe worthy of special note. They have no firearms, nor can I learn that they ever possessed any. They are miserably destitute of clothing, a few very old, ragged garments being all they possessed of European attire. They appear to be generally peaceable and willing to work and I learn from neighbouring settlers that in many instances made themselves very useful. Nor can I learn that any charge of robbery against any of those now concentrated at my station. It is universally acknowledged that they have never attempted life. They have not been, however, without provocation. One man was shot by some of Dutton’s people four months time – if the aborigines are to be believed – almost wantonly. The perpetrator is not now to be found. Other lives have been sacrificed within the last two years by white people. A very large portion of their country was simultaneously occupied with stock last winter [i.e. mid-1840] and they are now ordered away from places where they have been accustomed most frequently to XXX for food. On the whole, the character and condition of this tribe present more hopeful circumstances than most others I have met in this colony, They are by no means inveterate [= ingrained] beggars as some of their neighbours. Nearly 80 children are now at the station.

For the week of 14-21 December, Parker:

‘… was variously occupied among the aborigines. It is the subject of great regret with me that I have not a school master on the station as an excellent opportunity is now furnished for the communication of the benefits of Christian Education to these people. My multifarious occupations connected with my office give me no XXX for the work and there is no person on the establishment who can be employed in this way. Another subject of regret is that I cannot fully employ the people for their own advantage, as it is now evident that the site is unfavourable for an agricultural establishment and permission must be obtained to occupy another situation.’

Between 22-24 December, Parker travelled back to Melbourne for Christmas and New Year. On 20 January 1841, Parker left Melbourne to return to his station. The 1841 list of extra stores, in Table 3 below, includes a large amount of clothing and other provisions collected on 12 January ‘required for barter, not intended to be given way unless in cases of sickness or old age’, as well as extra hardware procured for the Neereman station the day before his departure, on 19 January 1841.

Table 3 Stores procured in Melbourne by Parker for the Protectorate, January 1841

Dates 1841Articles
January 1230 tin plates
 30 tin pannikins
 50 blankets
 50 blue shirts
 36 tomahawks
 24 pocket knives
 25 combs
January 191 steel mill [for grinding flour]
 2 adzes
 2 dressing sieves
 2 sickles
 Ration scales & weights, 7 oz and upwards
 1 Box lock for store
 3 pair XXX hinges
 6 pair butt hinges
 2 butcher knives
 1 butcher steel
 2 Branding Irons C.P. XXX

On 22 January 1841, Parker diarised that:

‘I found this morning at Mr Mollison’s station a party of the Jajowrong tribe numbering about 30 who had left my station about a XXX. I endeavoured to induce them to return. I regret to observe that disease is spreading amongst them.’

On 23 January Parker notes that he returned to his station at Neereman: 

‘I find still a large body of aborigines assembled. They have generally conducted themselves well during my absence, A few individual quarrels have occurred but they have been appeased by the overseer without any serious result. One of these quarrels was occasioned by an individual named Mokilte (Wertunarramin) who was accused by the other blacks of having attempted to carry off sheep from a station of Darlot’s. Most of the tribe evinced great indignation and threatened to XXX him.’

On 25 January:

‘The Crown Commissioner visited the station this day to consult with me respecting the most suitable [alternative] site for the aboriginal reserve. He suggested the vicinity of Lalgambook [Mt Franklin]- to which on behalf of the aborigines I concurred. I took the opportunity of complaining to Mr Darlot who accompanied him of the conduct of his men in decoying the native women and girls for the basest of purposes. The remainder of the week [26-30 January] was occupied with official correspondence and returns, and the ordinary duties of the establishment. The overseer proceeded with the drays to Melbourne on the 27th.

Many of the men attended Divine service in the morning [of Sunday 31 January]. Feeling deeply anxious for the communication of some kind of instruction for the aboriginal youth now about the station, I commenced this day a kind of Sunday School attended by 20 boys who seem ready and willing enough to learn. Being without any school paraphernalia I have had recourse to the moveable letters of a child’s toy, known under the name of “Wallis’s Spelling Games” [NOTE: E. Wallis produced a number of popular board games, published in London in the early 1800s, including ‘The Wonders of Nature’].

Parker continues on February 2 as things were getting increasingly desperate at Neereman:

‘A number of the aborigines left the station this day – stating that as my flour was nearly gone and there was too many of them there, they would go away and return in 10 days. The means of conveyance at my disposal have not been sufficient to enable me to bring up supplies fast enough to meet even the limited XXX I make. I had only two or three days supply on hand and could not expect the drays up in less than 10 days. I did not therefore oppose their temporary absence particularly as some serious personal quarrels had occurred during the last two days, in one of which a man and in another woman were badly speared. I warned them as earnestly as possible against hanging about the sheep station. As, however great numbers of sheep are dying at one of Darlot’s stations, I fear they will be induced to remain about there till my supplies come up. Between 40 and 50 remain at the station. Among those who have left are four men from the Goulburn who arrived on the 30th [January].’

On 3-6 February 1841 Parker:

‘… was chiefly occupied in completing a census of the Jajowrong tribe, which has engaged my attention for some time past. A number of youth who have been at the station have within the last few days built themselves permanent habitation of saplings and reeds. They commenced them of their own accord in imitation of one of them built by the government men.

In the latter part of this [6 February] one of the men who left the station on Tuesday returned and informed me with great concern that one of the Goulburn blacks had speared a sheep. I immediately rode over to Mr Darlot’s head station of the overseer [to see] if a thing of this kind had occurred at any of his outstations. He said he did not think any depredations had been committed – that it was possible or likely sheep might have strayed the flocks and had been picked up by the aborigines. He wished to keep the natives [away] from the stations, but the men (and one in particular) encouraged them to come, and constantly had the women about them. At the lower station 200 sheep had died from XXX XXX since the 1stof January, and had given the men ample means as of alluring the aborigines around them. I subsequently ascertained that the sheep was speared at a new station belonging to a Mr Cato lower down the river by a Tanne-bullar black named Maitegurra. The shepherd being asleep, did not observe the theft, but was immediately apprised of it by Moorin-weila, a remarkable well-conducted Borum-bulluk black who took charge of the sheep while the shepherd got his gun, and afterwards assisted in endeavouring to trace the thief, and recover the sheep.

[On the morning of Sunday 7 February] I sent a black on whom I could rely on to bring all the blacks back to the station. In the evening he returned with a few of them and brought information that Darlot’s people at the same outstation to which they had so frequently been decoyed had fired on them, that one (Gou-du-wurmin) was dying and another (Mu-nang-abum) very badly wounded.’

For context, Manangabum (also called ‘Abraham’) was then regarded as the most important Elder of the Dja Dja Wurrung and a man possessing great spiritual power. Parker later gave him the title of ‘Abraham ‘in recognition of him being a father of the nation’. George Robinson first met him in January 1840. Manangabum had been attacked by squatter Munro, after seven of his men and three mounted troopers had accused several Aboriginal men of sheep stealing. Munro brutally murdered several of them on the Campaspe River and arrested Manangabum, who was arrested on a sheep stealing charge and locked up in the Melbourne Gaol from late January 1840. He was eventually released in March 1840 after strong petitions from many Aboriginal people via the Aboriginal Protectors. Manangabum accompanied by other Dja Dja Wurrung people returned to Country via Parker’s Jackson’s Creek Station on 11 April 1840. 

Manangabum and 42 other Dja Dja Wurrung had arrived at the Neereman Protectorate station soon after it was established and stayed there until November 1840. They had moved away to Bet Bet Creek (near present day Wareek) as the Protectorate rations ran out. By February 1840, Donald Simson at Charlotte Plains had placed James Darlot as his manager on his nearby Fourteen Mile Creek run, whose heavy handedness with Aboriginal people was then well known. Manangabum’s wounding took place in an altercation between Darlot’s convict shepherds.

Parker continued in his 1841 diary:

‘[On the morning of 8 Feb] … more of the aborigines returned. Their version of the affair of yesterday was that a number of armed men came to the station – that they enquired for the Goulburn blacks – that they accused the two blacks who were shot of sending them away, that Mu-nang-abum fearing from their threats that they intended to shoot him, clasped the shepherd round the body, and cried out to the foremost of the white men “Borack shoot Nenne-nenne” (Neddy Neddy) – that they then fired at him and Gou-du-wurmin was then dead. They gave me the names of nine blacks from the Goulburn who were at the station. Four of them had been at my station on the 31st of January. I went over to the station expecting in my way to find the dead body which had been placed in a tree; the boys who accompanied me, however, could not find it. On arriving at the station the convict hutkeepers were at first disposed to be very indolent. I took their depositions and afterwards in search of the shepherd whose deposition I also succeeded in obtaining before he could have any communication with the others.

Returning to my station in the evening I found Munangabum had been brought in with a large wound in his shoulder evidently inflicted by a gun or pistol fired close to his body.’

Edward Parker’s son, Joseph Parker, writing in the Mount Alexander Mail (21 June 1891, p.2) vividly and independently recollected during his childhood that two Aboriginal people with gunshot wounds were brought in to the Protectorate. He recounts, below, fifty years later his recollection of an intimidating, heavily armed posse of mounted men challenging his father about protecting them.

One fine morning, early in 1841, a party of men— nine in all— mounted, and armed to the teeth came, expecting to find us all killed and eaten, but their surprise was great when, they found us all safe and happy, save and except the result of their own actions. The leader of the party, in addressing my father, wondered how he and his family survived in the midst of so many savages, as he termed them. My father replied by saying that he resorted to acts of kindness and proper treatment. I may state that while this con- versation was going on, there were a large number of natives crowding behind my father foremost among them being one with a charge of slug shot in his back, and another with a broken arm — the result of a bullet wound. I use, said my father, weapons more convincing than those carbines which you are carrying, and with which you have been shooting these unfortunate creatures pointing to the wounds of the men at his feet. Here is my ammunition, said my father, drawing from his pocket a small bible. There is my “convincing element,” and up to date it has not failed me. The heroes of manslaughter retired convinced they had called at the wrong shop for sympathy. A recent traveller speaking of his inability to find the dusky skin of the original inhabitant of the soil, gives us the assuring homily that the cause is not hard to explain, for, he says we as a progressive and Christianising public, have fed them with whisky and clothed them with bullets.

The above account very likely relates to this incident documented above involving Darlot in February 1841.

On 9 February 1841, Parker:

‘Went over to another station of Mr Darlot’s 8 miles distant with the overseer and took the depositions of four men.’

On 10 February, Parker: 

‘Sent a policeman and one of my men with two aborigines to search for and try and identify the body of Gou-du-wurmin. They returned in the afternoon having found the body, but in such a state from the heat of the weather as to preclude further identification.’

On 12th & 13th Parker wrote that 

‘… having carefully collated the evidence I had obtained I signed warrants for the apprehension of Edwin Collins & Robert Morrison who were brought up on the 12th, and the evidence being repeated I committed them for trial in Melbourne. At the same time I went for further police aid to apprehend three other men implicated in the affair.

[Feb 14th-28th] During this period I was occupied principally in preparing Returns – copies of the aboriginal Census – copies of the depositions and proceedings in the late affair with Darlot’s people. … On the 19th two policemen arrived, and on the 20th the XXX  Martin and Jenkins were apprehended, examined and committed for trial.

During this month several of the natives, seeing the improved dwellings erected by the boys, constructed good seed tents for tomatoes under the direction of one of my men, so that the station now [Feb 28th] XXX 12 permanent aboriginal dwellings affording comparatively comfortable accommodation for about 50 people.

On the two last Sabbaths of the month nearly all the natives on the station attended Divine Service. Their deportment was serious and orderly; they spontaneously followed the example of the whites in standing up, kneeling, etc. They appear ready to acknowledge the existence of a Great and Good Being, but say that black fellows know nothing about him.

On March 1 to 6,

‘[Parker] remained on the station. The number of aboriginal assembled was about eighty. Since the fatal encounter at Darlot’s on the 7th Feb they have remained generally quiet. A very strong impression has been made upon them by the prompt apprehension and committal of the men who first decoyed them to their huts, and then, when they became XXX,  fired on them.

On the 8th I proceed to the Pyrenees to investigate the circumstances connected with the slaughter of several aborigines by a Mr Francis. On the 9th and 10th I fell in with different parties of natives. From the last of them I obtained some distressing statements as to the slaughter of the blacks. They have me the names of several individuals shot by Mr Francis within the last six months. I found, however, no legal evidence attainable. The only persons present in the last and most serious affair with the aborigines, which took place in December last year, were Francis, a person named Downes and a stockkeeper, all of whom were concerned in the slaughter. Downes is in another part of the colony, Francis absent at Portland and the stockkeeper in Melbourne. No other admissible evidence  of the death of these poor people can be obtained than what Francis’s written statement conveys. In that he reports that he and the persons before named in consequence of seeing the bush on fire, and fell in suddenly with some natives, on whom they fired and killed four. The natives say six were slain and the information as to that it is more to be depended on. Owing to the legal disabilities of the aborigines cannot be added to the many others which have passed without judicial notice. I cannot, however, but wish that squatting licences were withheld from persons who manifest such utter disregard of human life as Mr Francis, even on his own thievings have done.

March 12th I returned to my station.

March 15th One of the Jajowrong natives came in this day from Melbourne. He proved to be a messenger from the Port Phillip aborigines sent to bring the natives now at this station to Melbourne. Several attempts had previously been made to get them there, but hitherto I had successfully opposed their going: a few only had strayed away about three weeks time. They now, however, appeared determined to go. For the persons have imposed on a story that another governor had arrived, and wished to see all black fellows in Melbourne to give them blankets and other things. Nothing I could say would convince them of the contrary. “White gentlemen” in Melbourne had had told the blacks and therefore they had sent a letter to their Jajowrong friends to come and see them. The “letter” which was treated with great respect and shown to all was merely a dirty piece of an old copy book. This was accompanied with two or three knives and handkerchiefs and other items of good will.

March 16th This morning all the men with the exception of three left the station to proceed to Melbourne. I succeeded in inducing them to leave their women and children. I warned them that I should follow them and watch their conduct.

On the 19th I left my station to proceed to Melbourne and next day came up with the aborigines at Messrs Cumming and Smyth’s station. They were joined here by another party. They stated it to be their intention to proceed to Karkanamoom (late Howie’s cattle station) and there await the arrival of their Port Phillip friends to have a great Yepene (corrobory) and then return to Nirriman.

On the 29th I received information that Mr Oliphant’s station in the Pyrenees had been attacked on the 19th instant, the hut keeper killed, and the hut nearly stripped. From what I had previously heard of the character of some of the natives on the Western side of the Pyrenees, belonging to the Nilangboum tribe I concluded that the trouble had been committed by them.

On the 1st April the Jajowrong natives came to Melbourne and a very formal kind of meeting took place between them and the Port Phillip aborigines. On this and the following days they danced their corrobory. Only two or three of my people who had been in Melbourne went into the town, the remaining on the south side of the river. They had provided me before leaving the station they would only remain two days with the Melbourne blacks. In fulfilment of this promise, on the morning of the 3rd they expressed their willingness to return, at the same time their wish to see “the Governor”. His Honour the Superintendent was pleased to gratify this wish and had an interview with them near the signal station. After receiving a supply of flour they proceeded on their journey.

On the 6th I came up with the aborigines at the Police Station. They had been retarded, like myself, by the heavy rains. I found that a few of them had strayed back with Tolloorabulluk and Marpeanbulluk people to Melbourne.

On the 8th [April] I returned to my station. I found that a number of natives from the lower parts of the river Loddon had come in making the number at the homestead upwards of 100. Between this date and the 12th the men who had visited Melbourne returned in small parties.

On the 21st visiting Mr Mackinnon’s station I received information of a dreadful outrage by the aborigines on the person and property of Mr Grice of Mount Alexander on the 15th instant. Mr G was reported to be so badly speared, as to be near death, and 500 of his sheep were said to be missing.

On the 22nd I proceeded to Mr Grice’s station about 12 miles North-West of Mount Alexander. Found Mr Grice received three spear wounds and two of his men had been severely wounded. A large body of natives suddenly rushed upon Mr Grice and one of his men while they were getting a flock into the fold. Their intention was evidently to kill them, but Mr Grice succeeded in forcing his way through them and getting to the hut he took out a gun on which they ran away. In the meanwhile another party intercepted one of his shepherds returning with his flock, speared him in the arm and took away the sheep: the next day a horse was found dead with many spears sticking in him. The sheep were recovered two days after, with the exception of about 50. Most of them were in possession of the blacks at a spot about 20 miles east of the station. This outrage appears to have been of a more determined and hostile character than any that has come within my observation. As I can account for most of the people belonging to the Jajowrong tribe on the day this was committed, I can readily acquit them of any participation in it. It has doubtless been perpetrated by some of the “Goulburn” blacks as they are usually termed – the people occupying the country between the lower parts of that river and the Yerrin or Campaspe. Their periodical visits to the neighbourhood of Mount Alexander are frequently attended by depredation and outrage.

On the 24th [April 1841] I returned to the station. I found there two blacks belonging to the Taongerongs named Jille jille and Neraboop. An earnest request was made by the other aborigines that they might be allowed to remain. These men spontaneously stated that the Moonoom goodeet, Netterackbulluk, Nerabulluk and other Taoungurong blacks had been “spearing white fellows and stealing sheep”: and that in consequence they had left them.

On the 26th [April] I proceeded to Melbourne in expectation that the trial of Darlot’s men would come on. While in Melbourne I received information of another dreadful outrage, doubtless by the same people at Mr Bennett’s on the Campaspe. A shepherd had been killed and his flock had been taken away, but subsequently the sheep had been recovered.

I was detained in Melbourne some days to attend the examination of two mounted policemen charged with having caused the death of “Harlequin”, a native black who was apprehended in December last on the Murray. He had been made to travel on foot about 220 miles in seven consecutive days. When brought into Melbourne he had a chain around his neck, and in this manner had been compelled to walk or run by the side of the trooper’s horses – and this in the hottest season of the year. He died on the second day after arrival of a violent fever. The men were committed to trial.

On the 5th May [1841] I returned to Nirriman where I remained till the 13th. During this interval I found among the natives some blankets from the marks I inspected came from Mr Oliphant’s. This led to further enquiry and at length I obtained the following statement from some of the aborigines who had been with me in Melbourne and were much concerned by the attack on Mr Oliphant’s. After the slaughter of Gondu-urmin by Darlot’s people, his immediate relatives the Galgalgoondeet roved around the country in a state of great irritation, Coming unexpectedly upon Mr Oliphant’s station, which had been recently formed, and finding the hut open and the hutkeeper at a little distance shifting the hurdles, they determined on revenging the death of their companion and attached the poor man as he was coming up to the hut, after killing him they took all the provisions, clothing and guns. The murder was committed by Wowingnap and Beristgoodeet, brother of the deceased Gondu-urmin and Maitejurra, a Larnebullar black. These men are now at the station. I find they are in great alarm for the consequences of their wild revenge, my two native policemen having threatened that they would fetch the “white fellow policeman” to take them away. The blankets bearing Mr Oliphant’s marks had passed through many hands before I had discovered them and were in possession of people who I knew to be in Melbourne at the time of the outrage was committed. No legal evidence of their having been in the possession of the murderers could be obtained. Two of the three guns taken from the hut were left in the bush (these men not knowing how to use them) and two men at my request went out and brought them to me. They were absent on the journey three days.

On the 13th May I proceeded to Melbourne to attend the sitting of the Supreme Court.

On the 18th five men were put on their trial for shooting at Munangabum with intent to kill. The Crown Prosecutor deemed the evidence insufficient to put them on their trial for killing Gondoo-urmin, The first witness, one of their companions, swore that there were 150 blacks throwing spears at them and the men were immediately acquitted. The witness had stated in his disposition of the first investigation of the case that no spears had been thrown. Thus there is no chance of justice being obtained for these unfortunate people, while their evidence is rejected. The witnesses are sure to be hostile and have only to swear hard enough, as in the present case, and the cause of the aborigines is put out of court,

On the 22nd [May] Tarrick-munnin one of the nine aborigines convicted of the robbery at the last January XXX, and the only one of the number who was recaptured when they made their escape from a lighter in the river, was discharged from prison, and by the judges order given over to my charge, the whole of the convictions having been illegal, and the prisoners therefore pardoned. The remaining three days with the Rev McXXX and then joined his tribe.

On the 27th [May] I returned to my station at Nirriman where I found still about 130 aborigines. Three infants have died within the last six weeks. One apparently from carelessness on the part of the mother, combined with the severity of the weather. The second was a half caste belonging to Yeepburneen, one of Manangabum’s women and reported by all the blacks to be the offspring of Clarke, one of Darlot’s assigned servants. Fearing this child might have been killed, I made very minute inquiries into the circumstances of its death, but found no reason to conclude that it died form other than natural causes. The third was the child of Boongarrapurneen and according to the concurrent testimony of all the women was killed by the mother the morning after its birth. It is said to be the third child she had murdered. The reason assigned is that by suckling their children they become old looking and wrinkled and therefore disagreeable to their men. The event took place in my absence. I spoke to the people strongly of the wickedness of the action and as the woman became dangerously ill I took occasion from that circumstance to warn them of the certainty that the “Great Father” would be angry with them and punish them. I do not think the crime of infanticide is common amongst them. One other woman only was spoken of as having done the like. But it is deeply painful to observe the callousness with which this atrocious deed is regarded.

[On Sunday 30th] The Aborigines continue to attend Divine service with scarcely any exception. Having however no place large enough to contain even half of them, considerable difficulty occurs in bringing them together. This is greatly advanced by the singular custom designated the “Knalloin”. By this the mother of the female child is interdicted from even looking upon the person to whom the child was betrothed; and this betrothing frequently takes place as soon as the child is born, the women who have children are almost always under the influence of this custom.’

Moving to the new Station

Unfortunately the first part of Parker’s detailed next Quarterly Journal, June 1, 1841, to August 31, 1841, is missing. It resumes with the final pages in mid-July 1841. A ‘Precis of Journal, March 1, 1841- August 31st, 1841’ confirms that during the missing interval, in June 1841, Parker spent ‘Five days travelling between the new and old stations, removing the to the permanent situation [at Franklinford]. The rest of the month [he was] occupied in the laborious duties of my station’. 

Under the heading ‘General results’, Parker summarises the six months ending 31 August 1841 as below. From March to May 1841 just the Neereman site was operating. During July and August 1841, the new station at Mount Franklin was in operation. Parker reported: 

‘I have been in contact communication with the aborigines. The average number daily at the homestead was 100. Of those several have remained for the whole period. Many others have continued at the station from three to five months.

With the single exception of the revengeful attack on Oliphant’s station by a small party, no charge has been made against the Jajowrong people who are not less than 300 in number. Two other outrages which have occurred have been distinctly traced to another tribe.

During the last three months of the half year a new station has been formed at Willam-e-barramul [place of the emu]on the river Loddon [in fact this was on a major Loddon tributary, to 2021 called ‘Jim Crow Creek’]. About 35 acres of land have been enclosed and 13 acres prepared for cultivation, and five acres sown with wheat. A dwelling house, store and two cultivation huts have been put up. In these operations the aborigines have fully participated. Amongst other work done by them they have furnished the establishment within the last 2 months with 300 sheets of bark & 350 trees and saplings for building materials, have broken up [cultivated] 250 perches [= 1.56 acres] of ground, felled 100 trees and completed 150 rods [approx. 750 metres] of fencing.

Partial instruction has been afforded on the average to about 20 boys. The unsettled state of the establishment has unavoidably interfered with this department of the work but the clear continuance of a number of aboriginal youths at the homestead and their increasing alienation from the habits of the tribe authorize a hope permanent good will result from future efforts of this kind.

Eight orphan children have been maintained during the half year, and the average number of XXX daily attended to during the same period has been about twelve.’

Post script from the Protectors

In leaving this detailed account from Parker on the upper Loddon in August 1841, it is useful to briefly consider Chief Protector Robinson’s understanding of what was happening in 1841, when he observed that the squatters were not allowing Aborigines to stop at their home or outstation. Robinson posed the valid question in his personal journal, ‘Where are the natives to go?’ His response is as follows.

‘As many squatters claim from 2, 3 or 400 square miles of country, the home station and out stations, in many instances in a bad water country, secure all the water and the sheep and cattle graze the intermediate space. Then where are the natives to go?  … are they to throw themselves in the mercy of other tribes because no British humanity exists in the hearts of British Australian squatters towards the original occupants of the soil?’

It is of some interest as a postscript to note that the Chief Protector George Robinson apparently never visited the Neereman Protectorate site during its operation. His daily Journal confirms he was in Melbourne from November 1840 when the Protectorate was established until early February 1841, aside from a two day visit to Narre Warren from 19-20 December 1840. Robinson was in the Ovens River district for much of February and was in the Western District for almost five months between March 21 and August 14 1841, by which time Parker’s Protectorate had been relocated back to near Mount Franklin.

Robinson makes only several brief mentions of Parker in his Journal during late October 1841 as Parker was readying to move to the Neereman site. On 29 October 1840, he writes that Le Seuf (sic.) ‘is to send his cart for the invalid Aboriginal natives at Parker’s station’, and agrees that Parker can have a loan of Le Souef’s cart for two weeks. Robinson also notes that he had bought some articles ‘for the blacks of Parker’ including shirts and flour. On 11 December 1840 Robinson wrote: ‘Noland gone to Parker’s Loddon. Papers complain of Parker at Loddon’. [Note: Noland was an ex-employee of overlander and pastoralist Peter Snodgrass: the depression of the 1840s had led Snodgrass into insolvency. It is not clear what Nolan’s role was]. The next time Parker is mentioned by Robinson is when Parker returned to Melbourne on 24 December 1840, providing Robinson with his requested Dja Dja Wurrung census. On 15 January 1841, Robinson wrote about La Trobe’s annoyance at Parker for writing to the newspapers in defence of his Protectorate. 

Several brief mentions are made of in the official records of Parker’s agricultural overseer, Robert Bazeley. On 30 October 1840 he writes that ‘Parker’s overseer Bazeley started on Sievwrights’s cart’, presumably referring to his overseer borrowing Protector Seivwright’s cart to set begin the journey up to Neereman. Another mention is when Bazeley returns to Melbourne from ‘the Loddon’ (Neereman) on 2 Feb 1841. As a relevant aside, Bazeley would later employed by squatter Rostron, initially at Holcomb near Daylesford (inclusive of the recently opened ‘Manna Gums Frontier Wars ‘site) and later at Tottington homestead near Stuart Mill. A Bazeley descendant, Richard Bazeley, lives in St Arnaud in 2022.

How did Parker reflect on this era?

It is illuminating to reflect on what Edward Parker said four years later about this tumultuous time on the Loddon River frontier. His written perception was that ‘a very considerable expenditure of the public money’ had led to ‘but little real improvement in the condition of the condition of the aborigines’. This led to a Select Committee of the Legislative Council being appointed in 1845 ‘to consider the condition of the aborigines, and the best means of promoting their welfare’. 

The Maitland Mercury (27 December 1845) reported the following testimony of Edward Parker to the inquiry, as he reflected on ‘the results of his five years’ labour among the aborigines’.

‘When I took charge of the first district assigned to my care, I found everything in a state of the greatest confusion; aboriginal outrages, involving extensive loss of property, and in some instances, of life, were of frequent occurrence; the most deadly feelings of hostility existing on the part of the Europeans, which in all probability would have led to a war of extermination on both sides. A respectable settler (now a magistrate of the colony), told me in the latter end of 1840 that he considered the existence of two races in the same country incompatible. Another (also a magistrate), about the same time, avowed it as his opinion that one-half of the aboriginal population must be shot, before we could subdue and keep in order the other half. On the other hand, after the measures adopted by the police authorities under Major Lettsom, in October 1840, some of the most influential men among the aboriginal tribes frequenting Melbourne declared to me their intention of retiring to the mountain and forest ranges, and killing every white man they could find unprotected; and it is my firm belief that this threat would have been executed, so far as lay in their power, but for the efforts and officers of this department. ‘

It is pertinent to note that Parker, by 1845, was battling to save the Protectorate system including his own relocated Protectorate station, at Larnebarramul below Lalgambook (Mount Franklin), from being wound up. For this reason, he concluded with the most optimistic Christian gloss in the face of evidence of a fairly comprehensive failure, concluding that any shortcomings were for the want of adequate religious instruction.

‘Yet now, without any such exterminating measures, the whole of the eastern and central parts of this district are at peace, life and property are considered to be secure, remedial measures are applied for the improvement of their condition; and if more marked results have not been obtained in the improvement of their condition, it has been from the want of additional agency in carrying on the work of religious instruction.’

Why does all this matter?

What happened on now comprehensively ‘settled’ land in Dja Dja Wurrung country on the frontier in conflict with our colonial ancestors in 1840-41 remains both unsettling tand also unsettled over 180 years on. Though I’ve added some brief commentary to the shocking official record, I sense that Edward Parker has perhaps, amongst the inevitable government self-censorship, said it all, though I acknowledge that there are almost no Aboriginal voices here.

The question I ask as an Australian citizen in 2022 about what British humanity could have done differently is not only an historical question, but a current moral one. As Inga Clendinnen wrote the following in her Quarterly Essay in 2006, ‘Who owns the past?

‘Daily we enjoy the fruits of what those hard men did. Our present comforts drive from their past actions.  … [S]urely it is a crucial part of the historian’s duty to uncover how it was that some settlers were killers and some were not? It is only by establishing the span of choices open to these men that we can hope to understand why individuals made the choices they did.’

I am motivated to research and write about these things as a person who has lived within and enjoyed the fruits of Dja Dja Wurrung country, from my home town of Donald in the north west to Daylesford to Kingston in the south east for over 40 years, in total spanning much of my seven decades to 2022. As Clendinnen so eloquently put it:

‘I do feel a connection to the country and what has happened here, which manifests as an intensifying impulse to acknowledge and redress past injustices, and to attempt restitution.’

But I have to ask, how will history judge our own generation for locking up innocent refugees, including children, for many years on Pacific islands, to deter others from arriving on boats? But I forget, as John Howard recently confirmed in a television interview, Australia and Australians are not racist.

The Neereman Protectorate site today

Edward Parker came to what was to become the Neereman Protectorate site with his family of seven in November 1840. In the next eight months, around 200 Dja Dja wurrung and other First Nations people came to the Protectorate Station there to seek his protection. The records I have transcribed in detail above give just a small flavour of a highly contested, deadly and dangerous frontier, particularly for Aboriginal people on their own Country.

There are few signs of what happened ‘on the ground’ after 1840. Some of the scarred and strap grafted trees remain, but there is no contemporary signage, memorial, buildings or post contact artefacts to mark the site of this first failed attempt at a Protectorate on the Loddon River. Neereman’s existence and history has been erased almost as completely as that of the Dja Dja Wurrung traditional owners. 

An ancient Aboriginal fire hearth on the northern Neereman river bank. The original carbon has been leached, out leaving only the fireclay

What does remain is its presence and natural beauty. Its still massive river pools on the Loddon River run much of summer from environmental and irrigation flows from Cairn Curran Reservoir above Baringhup. Its elevated aspect, and the huge remnant river red gums and straggly remnant Buloke trees remain on its high northern bank. One ancient peppercorn tree and the possible fragment of a granite fireplace are all that might have been there since the 1840s. Seasonal floods and fires, the sludge and sand from mining and dredging, shifting sands of drought and erosion combined with intensive agriculture and grazing down to the river’s edge leave the privately owned site in a degraded and vulnerable state. The farm access road along the river’s edge cuts into an extensive stone scatter site. Some of the deep erosion scars on the sandy northern bank are filled with domestic and farm rubbish, rolls of wire and tyres in an attempt to slow this erosion. Sheep have access to the steep and eroding cliffs. Indeed, extensive bite marks towards the base of the cliff confirm that sheep are actively eating the likely saline horizon of clay wherever it is in reach. The site urgently warrants proper acknowledgement and care.

I have recently found two early maps that together accurately and definitively confirm where the Protectorate site actually was. The first map I found was an early (1856) Parish Plan map (Country lands, Parish of Baringhup on the river Loddon [cartographic material] / Thomas Couchman, Assist. Surveyor; lithographed at the Surveyor General’s Office, Melbourne, Oct 9, 1856, (by James B. Philp)).The 1856 subdivision plan is superimposed over the dotted outline of some of the pre-1856 survey (likely 1848) features, including an original track along the north bank of the Loddon River, and tantalisingly, an ‘Old Cultivation Paddock’ is marked with a ‘hut’ to the west of the paddock on a ‘sandy bluff’. It seemed possible, indeed likely, that this former cultivated paddock area, and perhaps the former hut dated back to the 1840s. 

I later found the ‘smoking gun’ above on an obscure microform map in the State Library, Victoria, simply titled ‘Loddon 66’. In microform it was very small and white on black and the north point had been placed unconventionally towards the north east. The version above has been reoriented, greatly enlarged and converted to black on white.

The map was almost certainly made by Surveyor Urquhart in 1848. On the same, distinctive bend high north bank of the Loddon River, are the words ‘Parker’s original site for the Protect. Estab. NEREMAN’. The surveyor describes the northern bank as ‘light grassy land, lightly timbered’. Just downstream on the opposite bank, ‘D. C. Simpson’s Hut’ is marked.

Loddon River immediately downstream of Newstead, near where Robinson & Parker camped in Feb 1840 on the way to Gough’s Range

In 2022 the area north of the Loddon River is on Paul Jennings’ family property, seasonally cultivated with lucerne watered by large pivot irrigators north of the Loddon River. An area under the westernmost pivot irrigator seems very likely to have been included with the ‘one square mile’ within the ‘permanent core’ of the briefly cultivated ‘Cultivation Paddock’ area of the then Protectorate in 1840-1. This area formally known as Neereman came to be referred to as ‘Parker’s Plains’ in oral history within the Jennings family, but to 2022 is still not marked on any map.

The 1848 survey of the Loddon River confirms that by that time, the northern part of the original Neereman Protectorate site had become part of Donald Campbell Simson’s Charlotte Plains run. The extended Protectorate south and east of the Loddon River had become part of E. Bryant’s Cairn Curran run. By 1848 the land to south of the site had become part of smaller runs operated by Hunter (Tarrengower), Joyce (Plaistow), Bucknall (Rodborough), McCallum (Dunach) as well as McNeil and Hall (Glenmona).

Approximately 50 years after the Neereman Protectorate site was abandoned, an area to the north of the river is clearly labeled ‘Parkers Flat’ on an unpublished geological map of the Parish of Baringhup (below). The area south of the Loddon River where it bifurcates is labelled as ‘Bryant’s Island’. [NOTE: I only became aware of the existence of this map via Castlemaine friend and geologist, Clive Willman during the 2022 GDTA NAIDOC Week Neereman Walk].

This geological map also helps explain why the cliffs are so high at the Neereman Protectorate site. South of the site, the Loddon River approximates the eroded pre-volcanic course of the former Loddon River, labelled on the map as the probable course of the Loddon Deep Lead (outcrops coloured in pink or orange). The Loddon’s course then trends west as it cuts through the ancient (Ordovician) bedrock (coloured in blue) downstream of Hamilton’s Crossing before trending north in the eroded pre-volcanic course of the probable Deep Creek Deep Lead.

Returning to detail evident in the 1848 map, the area east of the Loddon near present day Baringhup was in 1848 ‘timbered with box eucalypts’. To the west of Baringhup towards Carisbrook were ‘open grassy plains’. To the south on the Loddon near present day Baringhup ‘E. Bryant’s Homestead’ is marked. Edmund Bryant had previously farmed and operated businesses in Hobart and the Tasmanian Midlands from 1824 but arrived in Melbourne on 31 October 1845. He was first at ‘Charlotte Plains’ station with H. N. Simson (who later married Bryant’s daughter, Janet) before acquiring ‘Cairn Curran’ in 1848. It was there that he died on 21 April 1849. 

The Cairn Curran Reservoir has since inundated the original Bryant homestead. Two closely adjacent pointed (granite) hills are named to the south and just east of the river as ‘Baringup’ and ‘Goomit’, with E. Bryant’s [Cairn Curran] Hut and D. C. Simpson’s [Charlotte Plains] Hut located nearby.  The Loddon River upstream marks W. M. Hunter’s ‘Tarrengowar’ homestead near where Joyce’s Creek then flowed into the Loddon, now also inundated.

As an aside to be explored by me elsewhere, it seems very likely that the present day township of ‘Carisbook’ within the Charlotte Plains station footprint may be named after the ‘Carisbrook Pen’ Simson family slave colony by that same name and spelling in Jamaica, which had produced sugar and rum. In the 1830s the Simson family, like several other squatter families (such as Mollison, Ebden, Barkly and Scott) had been handsomely paid out by the British government for releasing their slaves.

The more common belief from a 1950 source (Royal Australian Historical Society, Journal & Proceedings, 36(6), p. 358) is that the Caribrook township (Surveyed June 26 1851) ‘… is named after Caroline Bucknall (1834-1898, later Caroline Joyce), daughter of Edward G. Bucknall of Rodborough Vale (Mrs Alfred Joyce). Part of Charlotte Plains run, held by Donald C. Simson 1841)’. A report about the first election to the NSW Legislative Assembly in 1843 appears in the same journal above, noting (pp.347-48) that ‘the Carisbrooke Creek’ was then the dividing line between the counties and the Loddon District. Given the 1843 election necessarily took place in its own district, it was held ‘just outside the solitary hut in the place, occupied by a local constable and used, where required, as a court house’. Electors present in 1843 included candidate William Campbell of Strathloddon, Alfred Joyce of Plaistow (later Caroline’s husband, engaged to Caroline August 1851 when she was age 17) & his father, William Joyce, as well as Edward Gittins Bucknall of Rodborough Vale (Caroline’s father).

On site where the former cultivation paddock was marked on the 1856 map is an exceptionally high northern bank. An online search for ‘Neereman’ revealed very little, but I found an entry to the word, spelt the same way, in an Aboriginal dictionary list from Coranderrk. Coranderrk was a government Aboriginal mission that operated in the post Aboriginal Protectorate era from 1863 and 1924, and to which several Dja Dja Wurrung people were forcibly taken from the Mount Franklin Aboriginal Station in the 1860s. The entry read: 

‘Neereman (high bank; bend in river), Coranderrk, Vic.’

 [Science of man and Journal of the Royal Anthropological Society of Australasia, 1909, p.140].

This and Edwards Parker’s spelling of ‘Nirriman’ in April 1841 suggests to me that Neura Mong almost certainly refers to the site with the distinctive high bank.

Joseph Parker, Edward Parker’s son, writing in the Mount Alexander Mail (22-24 June 1916) left some other clues confirming this site as the Protectorate station’s location, picked up on by Edgar Morrison in the 1960s. Joseph Parker recollected that in January 1840, his family had moved to ‘the large waterhole’ on the Loddon at ‘Neura Mong’, that he understood to be ‘the Aboriginal word for ‘hide here’, which also ‘proved to be the home of codfish’. Joseph noted in 1916 that ‘The locality is called Parker’s Plains to this day and is north of Baringhup about four miles’.

The ‘codfish’ refers to the huge Murray Cod and Macquarie Perch that were once plentiful in the deep pools along this stretch of the Loddon River that John Hepburn had described to Robinson as ‘the fishponds on the plains’.

Joseph Parker, writing in the Mount Alexander Mail (1 Sept 1910, p.2) six years previously had noted that the Parker family,

After nine months in tents at Melbourne … moved to Jackson’s Creek
(now Sunbury), and erected a wattle and daub hut, with a thatched roof,
and mother earth for a floor. After eleven months here, we moved to Neereman, on the Loddon, north of Baringhup. We were the farthest north of any homestead at that time. A bark hut was erected. After residing there for ten months, we left Neereman, which was the aboriginal name for a large and permanent waterhole on the Loddon, which abounded with cod fish a dried ton of which we took with us. This locality bears the name of Parker’s Plains to this day.

Some possible insights into the Aboriginal context for siting the Protectorate

Aborigines of Central Victoria (2015) by John Tully provides some possibly insightful data into the likely Dja Dja Wurrung context in which the 1840 Aboriginal Protectorate was sited and established at Neereman.

The map of Dja Dja Wurrung Clan areas in Tully’s book suggest that the Loddon River at the Neereman site was the Clan boundary between the Liarga balug Clan (to the north of the river) and the Bane bane balug Clan (south of the river). The river in the vicinity of the early Protectorate station later also formed the boundary between the Charlotte Plains run and the Cairn Curran run. To the south of the river, the rich flat, open country comprising the Bane bane balug Clan home range had by November 1840 been invaded and totally overrun by a least four squatter runs: Hepburn on Smeaton Hill, McLachlan on Glengower, McKinnon on Tarrengower and Campbell on Clunes.

Whilst the Neereman Protectorate Station was operating, Parker made careful notes of who visited and when, as well as their age, gender and Clan associations. Tully has separately prepared a list of Aborigines at Neura Mong Protectorate, Loddon River, November 1840 to June 1840. In total, the list includes 193 named Dja Dja Wurrung individuals. It is striking that whilst 31 Liarga balug men, women and children as well as diverse groups of people from five other Clan groups visited the station, no Bane Bane bulluk people are recorded as visiting the Station in the 1840-1 Census. In Tully’s opinion, the rich plains that comprised Bane ban balug Clan country:

‘… were their downfall, not having hills or thick undergrowth to hide in they suffered appallingly on the arrival of the Europeans. By 1840 there were only two members left of this clan, a young man and a girl [who] could not survive on their own and so crossed the Loddon and joined with their neighbours, the Liarga balug clan.’


I acknowledge the Dja Dja Wurrung peoples as the traditional owners of the lands on which I live, write and research. I sincerely thank Gib Wettenhall for his advice and assistance with this research. I am astounded and ashamed that what happened on the Neereman Protectorate site is so poorly known or understood 180 years later.

I acknowledge that while the Neereman site and its epic failures have been conveniently forgotten by the victors, they have not been forgotten by the vanquished.

I acknowledge the ‘hard yards’ done by countless previous historians and archivists in helping make this material accessible and visible. In relation to the Neereman site, these particularly include the late Edgar Morrison from Yandoit, the late Wendy French from Maldon, Vic Say and the late Felicity Say from Castlemaine, as well as to present day historians Bain Attwood and John Tully. I am indebted to Vic Say of Castlemaine for the generous loan of materials from his document and book collection. I acknowledge and thank the late and charismatic Uncle Brien Nelson and his son Uncle Ricky Nelson for their generosity of time, insight and spirit in sharing what they know and have inherited. Most recently, I am indebted in 2022 to Dja Dja Wurrung descendant and linguist Harley Dunolly-Lee for unravelling some of the complexity in terms of Dja Dja Wurrung language and also clarifying the roles of the Aboriginal Protectors, as included in this account.

Countless landholders across Dja Dja Wurrung country have in recent years, almost without exception, showed an increasing willingness to share what they know and open their hearts and properties for closer examination. Paul Jennings whose family owns the former Neereman Protectorate site has been very generous and trusting, and more recently also Mark Cossar who owns the property to the south and west towards Hamilton’s Crossing.

I urge others to respect that the core of the original Neereman site is privately owned. Until the site is properly surveyed and secure for its heritage value, it is best to acknowledge where it is and anticipate that in the future an appropriate plan of management and signage will be developed with the traditional Dja Dja Wurrung owners.

The 3 July 2022 Great Dividing Trail walk ‘The Forgotten Fishponds on the Plain’ coinciding with 2022 NADOC Week provides a one-off opportunity, with landholder Paul Jennings and Mark Cossar’s generous permission, to lightly walk on Country inclusive of the Neereman site.

The best way meantime to get a taste of the area with all weather access is on public land, by visiting the Hamilton Crossing Crown Reserve approximately 2 km downstream of the original Neereman site on the Loddon River. It is possible to walk upstream along the northern river bank to visit the huge, sprawling strap grafted River red gum tree several hundred metres upstream of the river crossing on the Loddon’s northern banks. All of this short walk (as far as the electric fence beyond the huge tree) is on public land.

I acknowledge it is time in this country for these stories to be told. The Hepburn Shire Reconciliation Action Plan (RAP), its Community Reference Group members and staff, particularly Reconciliation Officer, Donna Spiller have provided invaluable advice and support. All of these people have combined to provide an incentive and opportunity to finally synthesise and make sense of material and insights that I have been collecting in my mind and in filing cabinets for several decades. I admit to feeling sort of like a bowerbird, making visible a nest to share from all I have collected, seen in the landscape, gleaned from oral histories and sought out in public records across a lifetime. 

I acknowledge that as with all histories, if I was not writing this as an old ‘pale, stale male’, if I’d picked up other documents, arranged it in a different way or viewed it though a different theoretical, historical or moral lens, it would be a different story to the one I tell here.

The Bloodhole Massacre, Glengower

Dugald McLachlan and the Massacre at the ‘Bloodhole’

Barry Golding July 2021

‘For many settlers and their families, Australia was a country which broke them on the wheel. Nature was regarded as dangerous and capricious. Men could be ruined in a season by drought, fire or flood. The British had dispossessed the Aborigines, but they had yet to learn how to master the land.’

(Pounds and pedigrees: The upper class in Victoria: 1850-80, Paul de Serville, 1943, p.222)

Dispossession and Violence

Dispossession and the violence typically associated with it occurred in every place across Australia, from the first time the British flag was raised and terra nullius was declared in 1770. Contact and the dispossession that ensued happened in different places and at different times for the following 150 years. Indeed the last known, officially sanctioned massacre of Aboriginal Australians on the contested frontier occurred on the Coniston cattle station in Central Australia in 1926, only 24 years before I (Barry Golding) was born in 1950.

Appropriately, Hepburn Shire recently supported the creation of a ‘Frontier Wars’ memorial to such conflicts locally in the form of a Manna Gum Avenue, officially opened in July 2021 as part of its commitment to Reconcilation.

I have chosen to write in some detail about the Glengower run and its owner Dugald McLachlan, because the property and its owner features prominently in a local Aboriginal massacre that occurred on Middle Creek just 15 minutes north of where I live in Kingston in central Victoria. The Bloodhole Massacre (Massola, 1968 ‘Journey to Aboriginal Victoria’ & Ian Clark, 1995, p.97) suggest that the massacre most likely took place sometime between 1 December 1839 and 31 January 1840. 

This was immediately prior to Chief Aboriginal Protector, George Robinson’s February 1840 visit to John Hepburn with Assistant Protector Edward Parker in the process of choosing a suitable site for an Aboriginal Protectorate in north western Victoria. As with many such massacres, whilst a lot was deliberately not written down or shared, several primary as well as local oral histories shed considerable light on this event. 

The main firsthand oral account of the massacre at a location locally referred to as the ‘Slaughterhole’ or ‘Bloodhole’ goes back to a shepherd at Glengower station in 1840, Donald McDonald, known familiarly as ‘Donald Ruadh’ or ‘Red Donald’, passed down to and reported by local Daylesford historian, Edgar Morrison in Frontier life in the Loddon Protectorate (pp.12-13) published in 1967.

The process, nature and perpetrators of dispossession are rarely acknowledged, talked or written about. It is far easier and less confronting to call the process by the more benign term, ‘settlement’. In the process, the men involved are usually regarded as ‘pioneers opening up the country’ rather than closing down a First Nation whose roots go back one thousand generations. No matter what they were involved in, they and the places they come from are still memorialised in our local towns, streets and geographical features. 

Bain Attwood lists 26 ‘incidents of conflicts between settlers and Aboriginal people in Dja Dja Wurrung country’, some of which were massacres, in just four years between March 1838 and March 1842. The Bloodhole massacre that is the subject of this blog is not included in Attwood’s list, but referred to in just one paragraph as ‘an oral tradition recounted by local historian’ (p.49), described in part as follows, based entirely on Edgar Morrison’s account.

A group of Jardwadjali [from the Grampians area] murdered a former convict who was the cook on the Glengower station. … The leaseholder, Lachlan [sic.] McLachlan is remembered as a hard and ruthless exploiter of men and it believed he led an armed party who overtook the murderers on the banks of a creek several miles to the west and killed them as they sought shelter in a large waterhole there. The place consequently came to be known as the ‘Blood-hole’.

In the present account I seek to unpack this one massacre on one pastoral run, Glengower, not because it is unusual, but because its disturbing circumstances are illustrative, and because the events, timing, location and setting are local and reasonably easy to reconstruct and locate.

The local, rapid and violent dispossession, removal and exclusion of Aboriginal people from their traditional lands by huge interlocking squatting runs from 1838 left traditional Dja Dja Wurring owners with few safe places to turn to. It was certainly not safe on Dugald McLachlan’s Glengower run in the vicinity of present day Campbelltown in the four year window between 1838 and 1842.

Where did the events that led to the massacre take place?

For those unfamiliar with the area, much of what took place occurred in central Victoria within 10km of present day Campbelltown, in 2021 a tiny rural locality on the Midland Highway between Newstead and Creswick, now with only a delicenced ‘Black Duck Hotel’, a fire station and public hall.

A Google search for Glengower suggests that

… the pastoral run of 44,000 acres was originally owned by W. Kirk who briefly occupied it before abandoning it in 1838. It was then taken up and named (after a location in Argyllshire) by Dugald McLachlan (1801-1855) in early 1839. … The run was gazetted on 4 October 1848 at 41,280 acres with 10,000 sheep.

The huge, former Glengower home station and rambling outbuildings sits decaying in 2021 under some ancient Washington palms in the paddock opposite the hotel. Joyce’s Creek running seasonally alongside flows north though Campbelltown, a ‘lateral stream’ following the boundary between the ancient folded sediments and the recent basalt flow. The Campbelltown forest still clothes the rocky ridges to the east, and the expansive and still fertile Moolort Plains and wetlands stretch west to Clunes and Carisbrook, and north to the Loddon River.

Confusingly, ‘Glengower’ is also the name of the ruins of a former township on the road 7km south west on the Campbelltown to Clunes road, approximately 2km upstream of the now privately owned massacre site on Middle Creek. The local Glengower / Campbelltown cemetery, the final resting place of many of the local Scottish ‘pioneers’, is located several kilometres south west of Campbelltown. It sits on a picturesque knoll overlooking the volcanic plains that made fortunes for many including William Campbell after whom the town was named and who is buried there. Campbell was one of three executors to Dugald McLachlan’s will.

Middle Creek, that as its name suggests, runs north along the middle of the Moolort Plains through the ruins of the former township settlement of. It flows intermittently to the north across the centre of the wide volcanic plain bounded to the east by both McLachlan’s Creek (still named after Dugald McLachlan) and Joyce’s Creek, named after Alfred Joyce who held the Plaistow run north of the Glengower run from 1843.

Middle Creek’s headwaters seasonally drain the steep slopes around (Mount) Kooroocheang and the Kangaroo Hills, eventually to join Joyce’s Creek just upstream of where it flows into Cairn Curran Reservoir. At times Middle Creek gets lost in bogs and spiny rush: in other places it runs over mainly basaltic bedrock. In only a small number of places north of the former Glengower township does it form deep pools (below) that closely match the oral history description of ‘The Bloodhole’.

The likely Bloodhole site on Middle Creek, downstream of the former Glengower settlement (not the former Glengower station site)

The Moolort Plains, Joyce’s Creek and the Major’s Line

Before 1836 the Dja Dja Wurrung people were living along a major Aboriginal highway in the rich ecotone of present day Joyce’s Creek (between the present day localities of Campbelltown, Strathlea and Joyce’s Creek). To the west were the extensive Moolort Plains grasslands and wetlands. To the east was the Campbelltown Forest. 

Until September 1836 the thousands of generations of people living on and passing along Joyce’s Creek between the Loddon River and the northern foothills of the Great Dividing Range had experienced no local squatter or explorer incursions, though the people had no doubt heard from neighbouring Aboriginal nations about people and boats arriving in Melbourne the previous year and Sturt’s ‘exploration’ a decade beforehand of the already comprehensively settled, named and cultured Murray Darling River system. 

The first known visitation by Europeans to southern Dja Dja Wurrung country was in late September 1836. Thomas Mitchell crossed the Tullaroop Creek at Mount Cameron Gorge, and Joyce’s Creek near present day Strathlea before camping on the Major’s Line at present day Newstead on the Loddon River. Mitchell was then two weeks ahead of the slower wagon party led by Granville Stapylton as they also rolled back towards Sydney. Whilst they were both on the homeward run between Mount Greenock and present day Newstead, Mitchell was keen to be the first to break the good news of his discovery of an inviting ‘Australia Felix’ ripe for ‘settling’, or more accurately, unsettling.

Staplyton wrote in his diary on 8 October 1836 of the view from ‘a high Forest Hill’, most likely Mount Greenock ‘… beholding a country beyond measure superb, a mixture of every terrestrial qualification desirable for a settler’. Two days later on 10 October from the Moolort Plains, Stapylton gushed that ‘… such a splendid spectacle of fine country never open to the view of explorers before, it is far beyond my power to describe it.’ By the time he reached the admittedly wide and deep pools in the Loddon River immediately downstream of Newstead he became particularly hyperbolic, describing the ‘cavity for the river the size of the Murray’.

Both Mitchell and Stapylton noted many emus on the Moolort Plains, and killed some, but both Mitchell and Stapylton were strangely silent in their diaries about the people who were then living on Joyce’s Creek. What was left behind, visible for decades, were the wheel ruts on the plains caused by their heavy wagons, that came to be referred to as ‘Mitchell’s Line’.

It was their maps, notes and particularly the wheel ruts and river crossing points that were critically important when overlanders with sheep and cattle began streaming south west, hot in the heels of Mitchell’s fresh tracks and his glowing descriptions of Australia Felix.

By the time George Robinson first came to the area and crossed Mitchell’s Line as they journeyed north along Joyce’s Creek on 20 February 1840, even Robinson was ‘at a loss to account for the wheel [tracks] and immense number of cattle tracks’ that he and Edward Parker encountered. 

In just over three years, Mitchell’s Line had become a veritable highway, not only to get between Portland (where the Henty brothers had settled illegally since 1834) and Sydney. Parts of the Line had also been used by overlanders taking sheep and cattle from Sydney, swinging west to Adelaide and south to Melbourne, as well as to set up runs and move stock through the southern Loddon Valley between 1837 and 1840.

By 1837 at least two parties of current and intending pastoralists from both the Geelong area and Melbourne had gone ‘exploring’ beyond the edge of country already ‘taken up’. One party went clockwise from Corio to Buninyong via the Loddon past present day Newstead and back via Mount Aitken. The other party approximated the same route anticlockwise. It is very likely that both parties passed through or close by this area of interest. We have no record of the people they encountered. They were looking for land to settle, and any people in the landscape were an incumbrance to settlement.

What was the environment like along Joyce’s Creek before 1840?

By 1840, George Robinson had become an incredibly experienced and astute observer and recorder of places, landscapes, vegetation and people, including Aboriginal people, wherever he went. He described people and features Mitchell and most of his explorer contemporaries either dismissed or ignored. It is possible to use Robinson’s diary observations and reconstruct precisely where he went. His return trip with Parker from John Hepburn’s homestead beyond the Loddon River and back has not previously been described. It is described here to give a hitherto hidden window into ‘being on country’ in February 1840, likely just weeks after the Bloodhole massacre.

In a landscape where only the major rivers and mountains had then had names able to be recognized or reconstructed in 2021, and where to most other colonial observers, all Aboriginal people were wrongly regarded as one people and denied their traditional names, national or clan affiliations, Robinson’s diary is invaluable.

In brief, it is evident from Robinson’s February 1840 diary records that Robinson and Parker ventured past Mount Kooroocheang, across the Smeaton Plain, past the Stony Rises, north past Glengower and Campbelltown, along Joyce’s Creek to the Loddon River and finally up onto Goughs Range before heading back to Kooroocheang via Boundary Gully, Yandoit Hill and Pewley Hill. 

We now know that the Glengower run straddled much the southern part of the traditional lands of the Bane bane bulluk Clan of the Dja Dja Wurrung people. Their Clan area covered the rich Banksia-rich Kangaroo grasslands and open Casuarina woodlands south of the Loddon River, including the well-watered north flowing catchments between Middle Creek in the west, and Jim Crow Creek (soon to be renamed larnebarramul yaluk) in the east, including much of the Joyce’s Creek and the Green Cully catchments.

In the vicinity of present day Campbelltown, Robinson described the ‘timber’ vegetation in the tongues of forest on the verge of the plain. The plain was ‘as usual: the oak [Buloke: Allocasuarina luehmannii], gums [Eucalypts], cherry [Native cherry: Exocarpus cupressiformis], honey suckle [Silver banksia: Banksia marginata], with herbs amongst the grass [Kangaroo grass: Themeda triandra’.]

Travelling north on Joyce’s Creek, a valley still retaining huge and ancient river red gums, Robinson noted several recent Aboriginal campsites (with ‘bark screens’) and many oven mounds. He observed how high the creek had been in a relatively recent flood, that he estimated might have been 20-30 feet [approximately 8 metres] above its then summer level. He described ‘… numerous deep waterholes and good water. Natives had been there; saw the places where they had roasted and eaten the [Freshwater] mussel’. Like the ‘blackfish’ [River blackfish: Gadopsis marmoratus], the local freshwater mussel disappeared from Joyce’s Creek within living memory but is still present in other streams including the Loddon.

Robinson saw ducks and ‘what resembled a large white cloud … a large flight of white cockatoos’, a flock he estimated in the ‘tens of thousands’. Somewhat similar in appearance to the Sulphur-crested (‘Major Mitchell’) cockatoo and the Little corella, these were most likely flocks of Long-billed corella: Cacatua tenuirostris, whose staple food once included the then plentiful Yam daisy/ Myrniong Microseris lanceolata. Long-billed corella habitat depended on now rare, older, hollow trees for nesting. Populations of tens of thousands is indicative of copious old growth trees and extensive Myrniong grasslands. Like Staplyton, Robinson noted numerous emus, with ‘several camping places of the natives where they had been eating emu eggs’. 

The ‘… grass and herbs were so thick in some of the marshes as to be almost difficult to walk through and up to the saddle girth’. This, in summary, was a remarkable, occupied food Eden without and before sheep and pastoralists.

Between where Joyce’s Creek joined the Loddon River downstream of present day Newstead, Robinson noted two huge ponds which he estimated averaged 400 (365m) yards long and 100 feet (30 metres) across. ‘It is said they abound in fish: perch [likely Golden perch: Macquaria ambigua] and cod [Murray cod: Maccullochella peelii]’.

Who was Dugald McLachlan?

Having established what the country was like, it is important to also establish some facts about Dugald McLachlan, the man who blundered into this landscape and First Nations community with sheep in 1839, and was almost certainly involved in the Bloodhole massacre soon after. 

Dugald (also spelled ‘Dougald’) McLachlan (also spelled McLaughlan & McLauchlan) also self-identified as ‘Captain of the Rifle Brigade’, denoted as ‘RB’ after his surname. ‘Dugald McLaughlan’ was listed in the Colonistnewspaper as a ‘cabin passenger’ on the Strathfieldsaye that arrived in Sydney on 25 July 1839, which ‘McLaughten’ as he was also called in one of the shipping records, had boarded in Plymouth, England on 8 April 1839. Unlike the dozens of single women on board the same voyage as assisted or ‘bounty’ immigrants, McLaughlin was one of the few ‘respectable passengers’ mentioned in the account below, who had paid his own way. A ‘J . McLaughlin’, likely Dugald’s nephew (through his sister Catherine) was on the same cabin passenger list. 

A contemporary record from the Sydney Herald notes that:

The Strathfieldsaye arrived on Thursday 25 July 1839 from London and Plymouth bringing 295 bounty emigrants and a great number of highly respectable cabin passengers, all of whom have arrived in a healthy state. The emigrants chiefly consist of labouring men and house servants, male and female. This vessel made a very fair passage, being about three months on the voyage … Only Two infants died and three were born during the voyage. This vessel brought out some pure blood hounds which will be a great acquisition to the colony.

While McLachlan will become better known as the story progresses, the Bloodhounds on the same voyage and the reason why they might be ‘a great acquisition to the colony’ are worthy of note here. From the earliest times the Bloodhound was used to track and kill people. There are stories written in Medieval Scotland of Robert the Bruce (in 1307) and William Wallace (1270–1305) being followed by ‘sleuth hounds’. Whether true or not, these stories show that the sleuth hound was already known as a man-trailer, and it later becomes clear that the sleuth hound and the Bloodhound were the same animal.

With the rise of fox-hunting, the decline of deer-hunting, and the extinction of the wild boar, as well as a more settled state of society, the use of the Bloodhound diminished in the UK. It was kept by the aristocratic owners of a few deer parks and by a few hunting enthusiasts until its popularity began to increase again with the rise of dog-showing in the 19th CenturyThe important point to make here is that while we don’t know whether the Bloodhounds that arrived on the same boat as McLachlan were actually his, we do know he was an ardent hunter and Bloodhound enthusiast.

His tombstone in the Presbyterian section of the Melbourne General Cemetery records ‘Dugald McLachlan, late Captain of the Rifle Brigade’, died on 21 January 1855 age 55 or 56. His actual birthdate and place is not certain. While a Rifle Brigade military record, below, suggests in was 12 August 1898, it was not uncommon for young underaged men desperate to enlist to put their birth date down.

The Rifle Brigade (The Prince Consort’s Own) was an infantry rifle regiment of the British Army, originally formed in January 1800 as the “Experimental Corps of Riflemen” to provide sharpshooters, scouts and skirmishers. Renamed the “Rifle Corps”, from January 1803 they became an established regular regiment and were titled the 95th Regiment of Foot (Rifles). In 1816, at the end of the Napoleonic Wars which McLachlan likely saw active service in, including the Battle of Waterloo, they were again renamed, this time as the “Rifle Brigade”. This is presumably the Brigade McLachlan belonged to and where he likely developed his love of guns and proclivity for violence and killing.

A ‘Dougall McLachlan’ born in Invernesshire, Scotland with a 12 August 1798 date of birth enlisted (as a 16 year old) in the 96 Foot-Rifle Brigade as a 2nd Lieutenant on 19 May 1814. His last listed rank a decade later on 5 August 1824 was as 1st Lieutenant (The National Archives, Kew, UK: Reference WO 25/804/178, Folio 357).

What do we know about Dugald McLachlan at the time of his death?

Remarkably little is known about McLachlan in life, though we know he spent the last months before his death in January 1855 holed up in a room the Port Philip Club Hotel in (232) Flinders Street, built in the 1840s. His will (first written on 1 May 1852), particularly his listed beneficiaries mentioning his seven sisters, are very helpful in identifying his family and closer connections during the 1850s. In 1852:

  • Captain Dugald Mc Lachlan was then living at Glengower.
  • His sister, Hughina McLachlan was then residing at Clunes (but had died by 27 December 1854 when his will was amended).
  • His nephew, John McLachlan of Glengower, son of his sister Catherine, was by then the widow of the late Alexander McLachlan.

His three executors were: 

  1. ‘Donald Cameron of Clunes’. Donald Cameron after which the Clunes township is named was the son of Alan Cameron of ‘Clunes House, Inverness, Scotland’. Clunes is a small hamlet, located on the west shore of Loch Lochy, just northeast of Bunarkaig in Inverness-shire in the Scottish Highlands. Donald had arrived as a cabin passenger on the William Metcalfe, leaving Cromarty (north of Inverness, in Scotland) in early May 1838, arriving in Sydney on 1 September 1838, seven months before McLachlan in 1838. Donald later held the Clunes pastoral run from 1839 to1855, as well as part interest in ‘Tourello’ (with McLachlan) and ‘Strathlodden’ (with William Campbell, see below) from 1848.
  2. ‘William Campbell of ‘St Kilda near Melbourne’ (also with interests in ‘Tourello’ from 1848 and ‘Strathloddon’), and
  3. ‘James MacGregor, Fort William, Scotland’. 
  • Dugald’s late sister, Margaret [McLachlan], was the former wife of late Captain Robert Stewart late of Kilmalin (Kilmartin?) in Scotland.
  • His late sister Margery [McLachlan], was late wife of the late Donald MacLean, Salochan, Scotland.
  • His late sister, Ann [McLachlan], was the late wife of Duncan Cameron, formerly of Pollock but then living in Rosshire in Scotland.
  • His late sister, Jane, was the wife of the late Alan Cameron of Clunes in Scotland.
  • His late sister, Margaret, was the late wife of John McMillan, Bucktoosh, New Brunswick in North America.
  • His sister Catherine’s late husband, Alexander McLachlan, is listed as being late of Inversanda, Scotland, perhaps the ‘Inversanda’ near Fort William in Scotland. A separate, later death notice for a ‘Mr Alexander McLachlin of Inversanda, New Brunswick, United States’ records that he ‘… arrived in NSW as far back as the year 1839. He subsequently went to Victoria, where during the early days in the goldfields he assisted his uncle, the late Captain Dugald McLachlin RB [Rifle Brigade] in the management of Glengower Station. Alexander McLachlan Esq of NB’s [New Brunswick’s] third daughter Eliza married in 1872.

All this family detail aside, it appears that Dugald McLachlan had his family origins in north eastern Scotland around Inverness where most of his sisters remained, though some relatives also came to Australia and America. What happened to Dugald in the 15 years between his last military record in the Rifle Brigade 1824, presumably attaining the ranks as ‘Captain’ and his voyage to Australia in 1839 is not known. It is known that when he died on 31 January 1855, he was a very rich man including cash, Melbourne properties and guns. His estate and its distribution were as below.

  • £7,803 was in the Bank of Victoria,
  • £4,277 was in London Chartered Bank, Melbourne,
  • He owned property: (a ten-roomed brick house) in Brighton (sold for £850) and also Swanston Street, Melbourne (sold for £1,100)
  • proceeds of his guns sold for £14.03.00
  • He had owed £52.04.00 to Alexander McCallum, Mount Greenock since May 1846 with interest payable of 10 per cent.
  • equal amounts of £440 pounds were paid to:
    • John Cameron and Donald Cameron, late of Clunes.
    • John, Alexander, Flora and Joan Cameron, Stoneyfield (likely Stonyfield, just east of Inverness).
    • Marjory McVean, Wardy Yalloak (Woady Yaloak, McVean being an early squatter family in the area)
    • Jessie Smith, Scotland
    • Jane Stewart and Mary Bell Stewart, Edinburgh
    • Allan McLean, Jamaica
    • Margaret McLean, Melbourne
    • Isabella McLachlan, Catherine Horniman, and Eliza McLachlan, Sydney
    • David McLachlan, late of Glengower
    • Christina McMillan, Melbourne.

What do we know about McLachlan’s arrival?

It is clear from other accounts that Donald Cameron and Dugald McLachlan must have met up in Sydney sometime after he arrived in Sydney, perhaps with his Bloodhounds, in July 1839. They both overlanded with sheep in September 1839 following the Major’s Line, reportedly having ‘a brush with aboriginals approaching Mount Alexander’.

In the absence of accounts from McLachlan, we have firsthand accounts painted by George Robinson when passing along Joyce’s Creek in February 1840, just prior the massacre, of the landscape which McLachlan claimed from arrival as his own. It is now evident part of the cause lay in the fact that the very recently established Clunes, Glengower, Charlotte Plains and Smeaton Hill runs (of Cameron, McLachlan, Simson and Hepburn respectively) not only evicted and terrorised the traditional owners and virtually wiped out almost all members of the local clan by1840. It also cut right through a series of much travelled north-south and east-west Aboriginal highways. 

Another likely cause was the known violent temperament of the brooding, gun toting, former military Scotsman, confirmed bachelor, Dugald McLachlan, who kept a pack of Bloodhounds as hunting dogs. 

It is now evident that the site of secure, permanent water on Middle Creek in huge ponds the middle of a plain was regularly traversed by traditional owners as a campsite. Middle Creek was known to the Dja Dja Wurrung as Minere minne, likely in reference to its camp ovens (minne = camp oven). The oven mound still on the creek bank near to the massacre site indicates that the creek would have been fringed by sizeable native trees necessary to fuel the oven. The men in the trading party passing through from the Grampians who were brutally murdered were likely on the regularly-used, east-west trading route that included the local section between Mount Greenock and Mount Franklin.

How did the story get out?

Given the contemporary cone of silence in relation to massacres at that time, it is relevant to examine how and why the story about the massacre got out and through which sources. As recently as June 2021, I was contacted by Roy McPherson, whose Dja Dja Wurrung great-great grandmother was Martha Arnold. As Roy pointed out,

… however, much like many others at that time, as she was born in or about 1837, there is no birth certificate. She married an actor named Arthur Wellesley Arnold who performed in Mrs Hamners tent theatre at the diggings in Ballarat and was present when the Eureka Stockade happened. … Family lore says that as a baby she was on her mother’s hip as an infant at the time of the Blood Hole Massacre, and her mother along with a number of other women and children fled to Avoca, where they came in contact with white society. It’s likely here that she was given the name Brown. She then acquired the last name “Marshall”, and then married Arthur Arnold. 

It is also pertinent to ask who and what is commemorated and who and what is forgotten in this story. It took a lot of research to locate the likely Aboriginal massacre site, but minimal effort to locate the commemorative gravesite on the roadside north of Campbelltown honouring the white station cook whose actions and death allegedly provoked the massacre. It was easy to access the follow-on narrative about the later (1841) death of a white traveller in the night by McLachlan’s station dogs, buried in the same commemorative grave. If this had been an Aboriginal death by mauling on the same dark night, we might never know.

Glengower and McLachlan

In 1839 or 1840 the Glengower pastoral run (2020 [photo of the later main homestead, below) was taken up and named by Dugald McLachlan, as we now know, a Scottish highlander from Argyllshire and retired army captain. The run apparently had only one prior owner, a ‘W. Kirk’, who briefly occupied it in 1838 before abandoning. 

The original Glengower run was centred on present day Campbelltown. Joyce’s Creek runs south to north through the centre of the original run. McKinnon’s Tarrengower run was to the east. McLachlan’s nephew to the west beyond Middle Creek was Donald Cameron, who in 1840 held the adjacent Clunes run: his homestead was just downstream of present day Clunes’ main street on the Creswick Creek. The Plaistow and Rodborough Valeruns of Joyce and Bucknall were not established to the north until 1843 and 1844 respectively.

McLachlan and his nephew were one of many parties of ‘overlanders’ who followed Major Mitchell’s 1836 track with sheep or cattle to central Victoria and beyond. Arriving with his young nephew, Donald Cameron (born 1819) early in 1839, McLachlan reputedly named his run Glengower after a place of the same name in his native Argyllshire. The dates McLachlan actually held the run are uncertain but are likely 1839-40 to 1854. In support of a later start date than 1839, Robinson made no mention of McLachlan or his homestead being in the landscape in February 1840, despite passing through part of what became the Glengower run on the way north along Joyce’s Creek.

Donald Cameron aged only 21 had elected the northern portion of Alexander Irvine’s Seven Hills run and named it Clunes after his birthplace. Donald later became Glengower’s owner between 1856 and 1867 after Dugald died.

Glengower pastoral run’s southern boundary adjoined John Hepburn’s Smeaton Hill run, and its northern boundary later abutted the Plaistow run managed by Alfred Joyce. Joyce arrived in Port Phillip in 1843 and being self-described as ’of English nationality’ (p.65, in Joyce, 1942) became good friends with the Parker family at the ‘Jim Crow’ Aboriginal Station that they and McLachlan passed through on the way to Melbourne during the 1840s. 

Dugald McLachlan, a bachelor and retired army captain, was by all accounts an uncompromising and strong personality. Known as ‘the fiery Scot’, Edgar Morrison (1967, Frontier life, p. 12) summarised historical information relating to his temperament as ‘a hard grasping and ruthless exploiter of land, stock – and men, who would go to any lengths to obtain his ends. Any respect extended to him during his life seems to have been tinged with fear’.

Alfred Joyce (pp.55-6), who actually knew McLachlan described him somewhat more diplomatically as ‘a little austere’, but typically ‘accompanied by four or five strong and lithe kangaroo hounds’ ostensibly for killing dingo. Joyce noted that McLachlan was an ardent sporting hunter and displayed all manner of trophies of his kills including dingo ‘brush’ (tails), eagle’s heads and talons, emu’s legs and feet etc.’ According to Edgar Morrison (1967, p. 12), McLachlan had a reputation ‘… for announcing his arrival at the Homestead gates by firing almost simultaneously bullets into each post as he galloped through’.

All of these attributes, to use the Scottish double negative, are not inconsistent with evidence in what follows of deadly hostility and aggression towards Aborigines on their own country but also transgressing on McLachlan’s run in 1840.

The circumstances leading up to the massacre

The only physical sign in the landscape today that all was not well at Glengower between the squatters and the Aborigines on Joyce’s Creek in 1840 is the ‘Glengower Pioneers Memorial Grave’ on the roadside approximately one kilometre north of the Black Duck Hotel on east side the Campbelltown to Strathlea Road. The graves are only a few hundred metres north of Glengower’s original front entrance on the Strathlea Road..

The memorial grave is approximately ten metres beyond the fence on private property but can be viewed and appreciated from the roadside. On the opposite (west) side of the road verge opposite the graves is a stand of unusual, distinctive and inedible Osage oranges (Maclura pomifera). Aside from being used in colonial times as a live hedge, the wood from the tree had a very high value to Native Americans for the making of bows. Perhaps this latter use had some fascination for the sporting hunter, McLachlan?

The grave features a concrete base surrounded by a low pipe and wire fence. A brass plaque displays the following text in capitals as below:








Erected by T. Anderson & A. Cumming in 1949

The graves were originally enclosed with a post-and-rail and brush fence that in time rotted away. The present (2021) enclosure was created in 1949 on the initiative of Colonel Tom Anderson, of Ballarat, and Alec Cumming, of Campbelltown. The plaque was donated by a ‘Captain Baldwin’. These men took on the task of identifying the location of the graves, which were apparently easily located, as the ground had never been ploughed. One local historian held that ‘for more than a century the graves were marked only by three tiny mounds disturbing the smooth grasslands’. 

The veracity of the information and informants

Information about the graves and the subsequent massacre linked to the first death has been handed down through several former and current local residents. Some of these residents have been identified by new research in this paper, in order to ascertain whether the people and reported events are real and credible. There are several versions of the oral history explanation for the graves, and particularly for the alleged massacre of several Jardwadjarli Aboriginal men from the Grampians that allegedly followed the first burial. By all accounts, these men were perhaps in the wrong place at the wrong time.

One account was published in Morrison’s Frontier Life (1967, pp.12-14). Another account appeared in the Shire of Mount Alexander’s Heritage Study of the Shire of Newstead in 2004 (revised in 2012). The version that follows is adapted from both, augmented by some new information from other sources including from local historian Glenn Braybrook, that appears on the ‘Goldfields Guide’ website (See

Some of the very persistent and disturbing massacre story dating back at least 180 years was passed down to Edgar Morrison second hand by a ‘Peter Smith’. Peter Smith’s original informant is named as a shepherd named ‘Donald McDonnell’, (or McDonald, known locally as ‘Donald Ruadh’, ‘Donald Rhu’ or ‘Red Donald’), an employee on the Glengower run in the 1840s. What follows suggests that Peter Smith would have likely been in his teens at the turn of the century when he heard the story 60 years after the 1840s events elaborated below, and that the McDonnell informant might then have been in his 80s.

Australian War archives confirm Private Peter Oliver Smith of 44th Battalion (1886-1967) returned to Australia, 2 January 1919 then age approximately 33. Peter’s father, William Smith, formerly of Wirrate via Nagambie was listed as his next of kin, then living at nearby Sandon (between Campbelltown and Newstead) in 1918. It is of relevance here to add that Edgar Morrison himself served overseas for Australia in the same war with the 4th Battalion from 1915.

The same archives tell a tragic backstory relating to Peter Smith’s own family from the First World War. Peter’s brother, William Oliver Smith was killed in action age 27 in 1918 at Villers-Bretonneux, France, following the death in action of another brother, James Smith in 1917. As the only brother of three to return to Australia alive, Peter was not only the key to the passing on of the story about the local 1840s massacre to Edgar Morrison of Yandoit, but also a witness to the deadly carnage that killed both his brothers on overseas battlefields. 

What and who do the graves commemorate?

The three European people buried in the Pioneer Memorial Graves were all associated with the Glengower run. It appears that this spot was first used as a burial ground following an initial disturbing incident and burial by Dugald McLachlan in winter or spring of 1840, and for a second time in 1841. 

The third burial, unrelated to the violence associated with the first and second burials, is the grave of the son of the likely possible original informant, Donald (‘Rhu’) McDonnell. A ‘Donald McDonald’ then of nearby Kangaroo Hill, was the holder of a miner’s right according to the List of Electors of the electoral District of Castlemaine for 1855.

The general account associated with the first burial is that a cook at the Glengower station was killed by a band of Aborigines returning to the Grampians after obtaining stone axes from Mt William, near Lancefield. The Aborigines are said to have called at the station for food when McLachlan and the stockmen were away mustering sheep for shearing, and only the cook was present in the cookhouse. One version of the oral history is that the cook had added Plaster of Paris to a damper he had cooked for the Aborigines, which once ingested would have caused a horrible and painful death.

Whatever the truth of what happened at the homestead, an altercation allegedly occurred and the Aborigines murdered the cook, hanging his body in the cook house on a meat hook. When McLachlan returned, it is alleged that he immediately organised a punitive expedition comprised of Glengower and neighbouring Smeaton Hill stockmen. The Aborigines were tracked down with dogs and they hid in the waterholes on Middle Creek, a small Creek about 8km west of Glengower station, the same Creek that flows past Hepburn’s 1840 homestead site.

On seeing the approaching men on horseback with guns, the Aboriginal men jumped into the creek to swim to the other side or hide under water. The mounted men from the station including McLachlan fired on the Aborigines in the water. Some had hollow reeds to breathe through while submerged, which still grow at the site today. By the time the firing stopped, at least 12 Aboriginal men were dead and floating in the bloody water. The place is still known locally by some residents as ‘The Blood Hole’. This massacre is understood to have taken place sometime between 1 Dec 1839 and 31 Jan 1840.

McLachlan buried the cook, whose name is not known, about 800 yards north-east of the homestead at the present grave site. In expectation of a reprisal raid, McLachlan released his savage hunting dogs into the station grounds after nightfall. About a year after the cook’s murder in 1841, the dogs savaged to death a visiting itinerant White traveller, who was buried beside the murdered cook. The third grave is of George McDonnell, the son of the shepherd (and the original informant) Donald McDonnell, who died of natural causes in 1841. 

The Bloodhole on Middle Creek today

The ‘Bloodhole Massacre’ on Middle Creek is one of several hundred Australian sites in which conflicts are known to have place between Aboriginal people and Europeans but remains unmarked and unknown. Whilst these sites are being documented by Jane Morrison as part of her recent ‘Australian Frontier Conflicts’ research through the University of Newcastle, the site is only approximately located on the project’s Victorian Maps. 

‘The Blood-Hole’ incident on Middle Creek is briefly mentioned by Bain Attwood’s A good country (2017, p.49) but not listed in his table, ‘Documented incidence of conflict between settlers and Aboriginal people in Djadjawurrung country 1838-42’ (Attwood, 2017, p.69).

Middle Creek today flows broadly to the north across the ‘middle’ of the wide sheet of basalt bounded to the east by Deep Creek and to the west by Tullaroop Creek. Its headwaters drain the steep slopes north of Rutherford Park Country Retreat and Kangaroo Hills. Middle Creek joins Joyce’s Creek just upstream of Cairn Curran Reservoir. Middle Creek in its upper reaches is sometimes called ‘Captains Creek’ in 2021 as it flows broadly west in the vicinity of Hepburn’s original homestead, before swinging around to the north as it flows past the former Glengower township ruins.

This ‘middle’ section of Middle Creek between Glengower Road and Saligaris Road includes several deep pools (below) with fringing reeds that approximate the description and location in the various versions of the massacre narrative.  A site still identified through oral history as the actual ‘slaughter hole’ by the 2021 landholder is on private land on a section of Middle Creek north of the ‘kink’ in a gravel road signed ‘Half Chain Lane’, that runs between Cotswold Road and Glengower Road. Middle Creek at that point emerges from a boggy area with spiny rush and flows for around 100 metres across exposed basalt before opening out for approximately 500 metres to form an almost continuous, deep and wide series of pools interspersed by fringing reeds upstream of a farm road crossing and concrete culvert.

This wide and deep section of Middle Creek is almost certainly the Blood-Hole massacre site from 1840. Tantalisingly, Gib Wettenhall and I located an Aboriginal oven mound on the west bank of the creek approximately 50 metres from a partially destroyed bluestone house site and foundations. The oven mound is in fair condition despite being cultivated and grazed for almost 180 years. This story is told, lest we forget.

New Shed Book, Oct 2021

Deep dive into Men’s Sheds internationally in ten nations. Includes Women’s Shed Chapter. Due for Publication October 2021

Shoulder to Shoulder: Broadening the Men’s Shed Movement, Barry Golding (Editor), Common Ground Publishing, Chicago, USA. Publication late October 2021.

This new book, ‘Shoulder to Shoulder: Broadening the Men’s Shed Movement‘ is now complete,  see link provided above, published in October 2021 in the US by Common Ground Publishing.

The book (418 pages plus an Index for both books) is now available for preorder on line, either via the QR code on the  link to the flyer, or via the Common Ground Publishing website.

You can use the QR code on the flyer for either the 2015 or 2021 book that takes you straight to the book order form on the Common Ground Publishing website. Alternatively you can order via the website:

You’ll see the paperback version of the 2021 book is not yet available for preorder, as it is usual to release the hard copy version first.

You’ll also see on the flyer there is a 25% discount off the total price offered by the publisher for anyone who would like to buy the 2015 book on the same order (using the discount code provided).

What follows is a summary of what’s in the book in English, followed by brief accounts translated into French, Dutch & German.


Shed-based community organisations are meeting many people’s acute, unmet needs and debilitating dilemmas. Participants are empowered ‘shoulder to shoulder’ in a shared endeavour, not as customers, clients, students or patients. This ‘bottom-up’ Shed model radically upends the traditional power dynamic, putting ‘shedders’ collectively back in charge of their lives, health and wellbeing. 

In the six years since my 2015 book, ‘The Men’s Sheds Movement: The Company of Men’ was published in 2015. The Movement has broadened to include other nations and Women’s Sheds. From the humblest of beginnings in rural Tongala, Australia in 1998, the movement had evolved to include almost 3,000 Sheds worldwide by 2021.

This new book gives voice to Movements across Australia, the UK, Ireland, New Zealand, Denmark, Iceland, Canada, the United States and Africa. It shines a light on the transformational experiences and positive impact that Sheds have had on the lives of men, women, families and communities, nimbly and rapidly responding during the global COVID-19 pandemic. 

While every Shed in the world is unique and different, the book’s many powerful Men’s and Women’s Shed case studies highlight how the power of shared, hands-on social activity for ‘shedders’ can reduce the potentially destructive forces of loneliness and social isolation. 

It’s about the universal value of “having somewhere to go, something to do, and someone to talk with,” as envisaged by the late Dick McGowan in the very first Men’s Shed.

Informative, insightful, easy to read and carefully researched, Shoulder to Shoulder provides a well-documented tour de force of this globally expanding and broadening international movement. 

What’s in the book?

The book includes separate Chapters about Men’s Sheds in: Australia, the UK, Ireland, New Zealand, the US, Canada & Denmark as well as ‘Elsewhere in the World’. There are Chapters about ‘Women’s Sheds Worldwide’, ‘ Research Evidence’ and a final synthesis Chapter called ‘Broadening the Men’s Shed Movement’.

The book includes 67 revisited Men’s Shed Case Studies (from 2015) from seven countries and 56 new 2021 Men’s Shed Case studies from ten countries. In addition, there are eight Women’s Shed Case Studies from four countries.

International contributors

Barry Golding is author of seven Chapters and shares authorship with six international Shed experts in five other Chapters. Co-authors are:

  • Dr Joel Hedegaard, Assistant Professor, School of Education & Communication, Jönköping University, Jönköping,Sweden. [Danish Men’s Shed Chapter]
  • Mie Møller Nielsen, Head of Secretariat, Forum for Mænds Sundhed (Men’s Health), Copenhagen, Denmark. [Danish Men’s Shed Chapter]
  • Philip Johnson, Managing Director, US Men’s Sheds Association, Hopkins, Minnesota, USA. [US Men’s Sheds Chapter]
  • Professor Corey Mackenzie, Director of Clinical Training, Department of Psychology, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada. [Canadian Men’s Shed Chapter]
  • Dr Lucia Carragher, School of Health & Science, Dundalk Institute of Technology, Dundalk, County Louth, Ireland. [Women’s Shed Chapter]
  • Associate Professor Annette Foley, Associate Dean, School of Education & Arts, Federation University, Ballarat, Victoria, Australia [Research Evidence Chapter]

What follows are accounts of what is in the 2021 book translated into French and Dutch (thanks to Andy Wood & the SBS Sheds in France & The Netherlands) and also into German (thanks to Bernhard Schmidt-Hertha).


À venir : Nouvel ouvrage sur les Sheds pour hommes

Shoulder to Shoulder: Broadening the Men’s Shed Movement, suite de l’ouvrage de Barry Golding intitulé The Men’s Shed Movement: the Company of Men (publié en 2015), sera publié à la fin du mois d’octobre 2021. Ce tout nouvel ouvrage retrace de manière exhaustive le quotidien, six ans plus tard, de 2800 Sheds pour hommes dans le monde y compris au Danemark et dans d’autres pays d’Europe.

Totalisant près de 400 pages et incluant 12 cartes, cet ouvrage comprend différents chapitres portant sur les nouveaux Sheds pour hommes et leurs expansions à travers l’Australie, l’Irlande, le Royaume-Uni, le Canada, la Nouvelle-Zélande, les États-Unis et le Danemark. De plus, sont également inclus des chapitres sur les Sheds pour femmes ainsi que sur les recherches effectuées dans le monde entier sur les Sheds.

Dr Joel Hedegaard a coécrit le chapitre danois avec Mie Moeller Nielsen. Les auteurs y décrivent notamment les organisations associatives de Sheds pour hommes dont le Forum « Mænds Sundhed » et son réseau « Mænds Modesteder ». Cet ouvrage de 2021 comprend un index utile pour les deux publications.

Shoulder to Shoulder propose quatre études de cas de Sheds pour hommes au Danemark. Les études de cas du monde entier donnent un aperçu précieux et opportun de la manière dont les Sheds et les mouvements nationaux adaptent le modèle australien d’origine.

L’ouvrage documente les nombreux bénéfices apportés par les Sheds concernant le développement de liens sociaux et communautaires ainsi que les bénéfices sur la santé et le bien-être. Il propose également un examen de l’impact dévastateur qu’a eu la COVID-19 sur les Sheds et les shedders à travers le monde.

L’ouvrage propose de puissants arguments basés sur des cas concrets pour élargir encore davantage la portée des Sheds pour hommes et pour femmes sur le plan mondial et au sein de chaque pays malgré la pandémie.

Plus d’informations sur l’achat de cet ouvrage à venir via
Contact de Barry Golding en Australie :


Shoulder to Shoulder: Broadening the Men’s Shed Movement zal eind oktober 2021 verschijnen, een vervolg op Barry Golding’s The Men’s Shed Movement: the Company of Men (gepubliceerd in 2015). Het nieuwe boek volgt uitgebreid wat er gebeurt met de 2.800 Men’s Sheds over de hele wereld, ook in Denemarken en andere landen in Europa, slechts zes jaar later.

In totaal zo’n 400 pagina’s waaronder 12 kaarten, bevat het afzonderlijke hoofdstukken over nieuwe en groeiende Men’s Shed-bewegingen in Australië, Ierland, het VK, Canada, Nieuw-Zeeland, de VS en Denemarken, plus hoofdstukken over ‘Women’s Sheds’ en Shed-onderzoek wereldwijd .

Dr. Joel Hedegaard is co-auteur van het Deense hoofdstuk met Mie Moeller Nielsen. Accounts van alle Men’s Shed ‘peak body’-organisaties wereldwijd, waaronder Forum for Mænds Sundhed en zijn Mænds Modesteder-netwerk zijn inbegrepen. Het nieuwe boek bevat een handige index waarin beide boeken zijn opgenomen.

Shoulder to Shoulder biedt vier casestudies van Men’s Sheds in Denemarken. De casestudy’s van over de hele wereld bieden een waardevol en actueel inzicht in hoe Sheds en nationale bewegingen het oorspronkelijke Australische model aanpassen en veranderen.

Het boek documenteert de vele voordelen van het deelnemen aan Sheds voor sociale en gemeenschapsverbinding, evenals voor gezondheid en welzijn. Het kijkt ook naar de vernietigende impact van COVID-19 op Sheds en hun deelnemers over de hele wereld.

Het is een krachtige, op feiten gebaseerde pleidooi voor het verder verbreden van het bereik en de reikwijdte van Men’s Shed en Women’s Shed, wereldwijd en binnen landen buiten de pandemie.

Meer informatie over hoe u het nieuwe boek kunt aanschaffen kunt u vinden op Barry Golding’s contactgegevens in Australie zijn:


Demnächst erscheinendes neues Buch über Men’s Sheds

Shoulder to Shoulder: Broadening the Men’s Shed Movement wird Ende Oktober 2021 veröffentlicht und ist eine Fortsetzung von Barry Goldings The Men’s Shed Movement: The Company of Men (erschienen 2015). Das neue Buch dokumentiert umfassend, wie sich die 2.800 Men’s Sheds auf der ganzen Welt, darunter auch 40 in Dänemark und in anderen europäischen Ländern, wie Frankreich, Belgien und die Niederlande, sechs Jahre nach Erscheinen des ersten Bandes entwickelt haben.
Das Buch umfasst rund 400 Seiten mit 12 Karten und enthält separate Kapitel über neue und expandierende Men’s Sheds-Bewegungen in Australien, Irland, Großbritannien, Kanada, Neuseeland, den USA und Dänemark sowie Kapitel über ” Women’s Sheds ” und die weltweite Men’s Sheds-Forschung.
Das Buch umfasst Berichte über alle Männerhäuser weltweit, einschließlich des Forum for Mænds Sundhed und dessen Netzwerk Mænds Modesteder in Dänemark. Dr. Joel Hedegaard ist zusammen mit Mie Moeller Nielsen Autor des dänischen Kapitels. Das Buch 2021 enthält außerdem einen nützlichen Index, der beide Bücher umfasst.
Shoulder to Shoulder bietet 130 verschiedene Men’s Shed-Fallstudien aus der ganzen Welt, die einen wertvollen und zeitgemäßen Einblick geben, wie nationale Bewegungen das ursprüngliche australische Modell der Men’s Sheds anpassen und verändern.
Das Buch dokumentiert die vielen Vorteile von Men’s Sheds für den sozialen Zusammenhalt sowie für Gesundheit und Wohlbefinden der Beteiligten. Es befasst sich auch mit den verheerenden Auswirkungen von COVID-19 auf Sheds und Shedder in aller Welt.
Die Studie liefert überzeugende, evidenzbasierte Argumente für eine weitere Ausdehnung der Reichweite und des Umfangs von Men‘s Sheds und Women’s Sheds jenseits der Pandemie, national und weltweit.
Weitere Informationen zum Kauf des neuen Buches erhalten Sie demnächst unter Rückfragen an Barry Golding in Australien:

Mount Buninyong Walk


Prepared for: Great Dividing Trail Association, Mount Buninyong Walk, 25th October, 2020

Author: Stephen Carey, Federation University, Ballarat; Additional Notes: Barry Golding


These notes were prepared for an 11km Great Dividing Trail Walk from Buninyong Botanical Gardens to the Mount Buninyong summit and return. They are being shared more widely for anyone interested in undertaking a similar walk independently. We strongly recommend you obtain a copy of ‘Goldfields Track: Walk or Ride Guide’ published by GDTA. Please note that the alternative route to the summit via the ‘South Walk’ is not marked on the GDTA Guide but is reasonably well signposted.

Mt Buninyong is one of the largest volcanic edifices in the Newer Volcanic Province of western Victoria and south-eastern South Australia. Occurring in the Central Highlands, it is a landmark that is visible from the Grampians to the west and from a substantial portion of the Victorian Volcanic Plains (VVP) in the Otway Basin. The Peak Finder app identifies more than 250 (theoretically) visible peaks from the Mount Buninyong, 745 metre summit including Mount Baw Baw in Gippsland.

The shape of Mt Buninyong in the landscape is referred to as its geomorphology. The discipline of geomorphology encompasses the landscape processes that modify Mt Buninyong’s shape, such as soil development and slope failure. The formation of Mt Buninyong was by a variety of volcanic processes, whose study is a branch of geology called volcanology. To understand Mt Buninyong as a feature of the landscape, we need to consider its volcanology and geomorphology.


Mt Buninyong is known as a composite lava and scoria cone. This is because it consists of both lava and scoria. The scoriaceous component is built up into a volcanic cone which is breached on the north-western side. The cone rises to a height of 745 m above sea level and has local relief of over 200 m. The flanks of the cone slope at angles up to about 35°. This is the angle of repose of loose scoria at which the latter could be supported without collapse at the time of eruption.

Covering a much larger area than the scoria cone are lava flows that emanated from the same site. One flow that is older than the cone extends to the south-east to Clarendon while another is younger than the cone and reaches westward to Buninyong township. It was the eruption of this younger flow that was responsible for the breaching of the scoria cone and opening of the cone to the north-west.

The Clarendon flow, meanwhile, had a profound effect on the geomorphology of the area it covers. The lave flowed down the valley of a forerunner of Williamsons Creek and blocked the drainage. The newly formed basalt (bluestone) was much more resistant to erosion by water than the older rocks and sediments on either side. Accordingly, new drainage lines, called lateral streams, were eroded into the older material to right and left of the basalt flow, with the modern Williamsons Creek and Back Creek being the result. Lateral streams are associated with many lava flows in the Central Highlands.


The scoria cone of Mt Buninyong was produced by an explosive eruption, whereas its associated lava flows are the result of much quieter, effusive eruptions. The difference between an explosive eruption and an effusive one is commonly the proportion of gas in the erupting magma (molten rock). The Clarendon and Buninyong flows had little gas – except for the initial stage of the Buninyong flow’s eruption which breached the scoria cone – and cooled to form coherent bluestone. Similar bluestone is a common material in early colonial buildings and gutters.

A large component of gas in magma increases the pressure that drives eruptions. A modest amount of gas may result in the formation of vesicular basalt (bluestone with numerous gas bubbles), but more commonly causes the magma to “fragment”, that is, the magma separates into blebs that are supported by the gas. When fragmented magma is erupted, the gas pressure sends it skyward in an eruption plume. As the plume mixes with cool air, the magma blebs may cool rapidly to form products called tephra. Tephra can be classified according to the size of the volcanic fragments, as follows: ash, <2 mm; lapilli, 2-64 mm; blocks and bombs, >64 mm. Mt Buninyong’s tephra is dominated by lapilli, as is evident from exposures in road cuttings below the fire tower.

Rapid cooling of the tephra means that most particles are themselves made of very fine crystals. In fact, in some cases, cooling may have been so fast as to preclude formation of a crystal structure, and natural glass is the result. A small proportion of the tephra is derived from the fracturing of rocks far below the surface of the earth, including from the mantle, below the Earth’s crust. At Mt Buninyong, mantle-rock fragments dominated by the green mineral, olivine, are sometimes found. Such fragments, especially from tephras of the VVP, have been critical in deducing the nature of the upper mantle.

Geology is an historical science, and it is important to determine the relative age of geological materials and events. Geochronology is the branch of geology that seeks to assign numerical ages to materials and, by inference, events. The variety of techniques that may serve to date particular materials is now immense, with very sophisticated methods and equally sophisticated instrumentation now enabling dating of materials that could not be dated before. In the case of Mt Buninyong, recent work proposes an age of about 200,000 years (200 ka). This most likely makes Mt Buninyong the youngest volcano in the Central Highlands other than Mt Franklin (Larnebarramul), near Daylesford (≤130 ka). It also means that Mt Buninyong is one of a number of cones and craters in the Central Highlands and the VVP that testify to an increase in volcanic activity in the Newer Volcanic Province between about 200 ka and 100 ka.


MATCHAN E., L., PHILLIPS, D., TRAINE, E., & ZHU, D. (2018) 40Ar/39Ar ages of alkali feldspar xenocrysts constrain the timing of intraplate basaltic volcanism. Quaternary Geochronology 47, 14-28.

OOSTINGH, K. F., JOURDAN, F., MATCHAN, E. L., & PHILLIPS, D. (2017) 40Ar/39Ar geochronology reveals rapid change from plume-assisted to stress-dependent volcanism in the Newer Volcanic Province, SE Australia. Geochemistry, Geophysics, Geosystems 18, 1065-1089, doi: 10.1002/2016GC006610.

ROSENGREN, N. (1994) Eruption points of the Newer Volcanics Province of Victoria: An inventory and evaluation of scientific significance. National Trust of Australia (Victoria) and Geological Society of Australia (Victorian Division).

Track Notes

Most of our 11km walk route is up and back to the summit on the southern end of the ‘Eureka Track’ section of Goldfields Track. Map 2 in the Goldfields Track: Walk or Ride Guide published by GDTA, (pages 34-35) covers and interprets our walk route starting from the Buninyong Botanical Gardens, within the eastern Buninyong township area past Gong Reservoir (created in 1850) and over Hastie’s Hill. Map 1 (pages 32-33) covers and interprets our walk route from the edge of Buninyong township to the summit, but does not include the ‘South Walk’, which we take to walk south of the peak before climbing up to the fire tower from the east. Our descent and return is mostly back via the walk route shown in the Goldfields Track Guide along many dry stone wall lanes, aside from part of the ‘Crater Walk’ including Blackberry Lane (which is marked in the Guide). 

Vegetation & Land Status

The Mount Buninyong Scenic Area (90 hectare) retains excellent examples of tall, relatively mature, messmate stringybark forest and tussock ground cover with a very limited understorey. The Wathawurrung traditional owners called it ‘Buninyong’, alluding to its shape from a distance similar to a ‘bent knee’. The area was set aside as a Public Park in 1866, the same year the Buninyong Botanical Gardens were gazetted. The road to the top was completed in 1926. The current four level, steel fire observation tower, with public viewing platform on Level 3 was built in 1979.

Franklinford’s Aboriginal Protectorate

Franklinford’s 1840s Aboriginal Protectorate: failed and forgotten

Barry Golding & Gib Wettenhall

 It comes as some surprise to most tourists, as well as to some Daylesford locals, that an historic early ‘Aboriginal Protectorate’ operated for a decade before gold was discovered just a few kilometres north of Hepburn Springs around present-day Franklinford.

This post provides a very brief summary of what the Protectorate was about. The Great Dividing Trail Association has designed a self-guided walk around the streets of Franklinford that will be published  later in 2020 as Walk 14 in a set of other interpretative local walks.

With the establishment of the Port Phillip colony in the late 1830s, the British colonial government sought to avoid the prolonged bloodshed that had already occurred in Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania) between the Palawa people and the colonists.

The idea was to divide the Colony of Victoria into four, appointing ‘Aboriginal Protectors’ in each division, who would make contact with Aboriginal people and encourage them to leave their land and seek refuge for their own safety. They were to be coerced and concentrated to live in four small areas (near present day Mount Rouse, Narre Warren, Murchison and Franklinford) where they could be managed, civilised, settled, Christianised and encouraged to work the land for agriculture. Today we might call them refugee or concentration camps.

Overseen by Assistant Protector Edward Parker, the ‘civilising mission’ of the northwest Loddon Aboriginal Protectorate was set up within a five mile radius of present day Franklinford to the west of present day Mt Franklin (Larnebarramul, then called ‘Jim Crow’ by the squatters) in 1841. At its peak, the Protectorate had a population of 300 Dja Dja Wurrung and Aboriginal people from elsewhere. It consisted of a school, church, administrative centre, workshops, farm, medical outpost, flour mill and lime kiln. What is signposted as the Aboriginal School today was the site of most of the 1840s Protectorate-era buildings. The sign  erected by Edgar Morrison higher up the slope below the Powell Connection Road overlooks (but does no coincide with) the station site/school site.


By 1849 this first experiment in the taming of other people who the settlers regarded as ‘heathens’ and ‘savages’ had failed and was abandoned. Dja Dja Wurrung people from diverse clans over a huge area from the Loddon to Avoca rivers were brought together in close proximity off Country. They were not only broken and dispirited, but also prone to disease, conflict and starvation. The Protectorate’s five miles radius was minuscule in terms of the expectation that hundreds of people could somehow eke subsistence from farming, hunting and fishing. Pressure to close down the Protectorate was relentless from politicians and white squatters, who owned the newspapers.

The only present-day memorials to the Protectorate are to be found in rustic wrought iron roadside signs and a symbolic stone cairn erected by local historian Edgar Morrison in the 1960s and 1970. While the current Franklinford cemetery encloses the older Protectorate era cemetery dating back to 1842, no-one knows where the Dja Dja Wurrung bodies are buried. There is an upstanding obelisk and fenced grave site for the Parker family.

As a sobering postscript, after forced removal to government reserves and missions elsewhere, only 14 apical ancestors of the Dja Dja Wurrung Nation could be traced by 1870. In a token gesture of reparation in 2013, the government handed back to traditional owners just one hectare containing a few foundation stones from the former Aboriginal School Site at Franklinford.

Two Dja Dja Wurrung sites of significance stand nearby, one a large swamp on private land with huge remnant red gums, now trampled by livestock; the other being Mt Franklin, a Crown Reserve fully planted out with exotic pine trees. While the cycle of acknowledgement of past wrongs, renewed respect for Indigenous heritage and meaningful reconciliation with First Nation descendants has begun, it is still a long way from closing.

This sign frames the main station site in the mid ground right of the gravel road. Kooroocheang is just visible towards the left horizon.

Not a Saint-Arnaud

Not such a Saint-Arnaud

9 August 2020 (An earlier version of this blog was published in the ‘North Central News’, in St Arnaud, 29 August 2020)

This article is about a genocidal French Crimean War hero, after whom the Victorian township of St Arnaud was named. Jaques Leroy De Saint-Arnaud, the man, is a something of a large ‘elephant’ in the bigger ‘Black Lives Matter’ reconciliation ‘room’.

None of what follows diminishes my fondness for and deep family associations with the town of St Arnaud. The suggested renaming and reconciliation options I tease out, would if implemented, only serve to enhance to the national status of this proud and vibrant town and community.

Until recently I knew very little about the origin of the St Arnaud township name. Most people might also have thought it was something to do with a French Saint. Those who stop in St Arnaud and read the present inscription on the statue erected in the Botanical Gardens in 2005 will learn that Jaques Leroy De Saint-Arnaud (b.1796, d.1854), Marshal of France:

… although ill, commanded the French Army, combined with the British forces and a Turkish contingent against Russia in the Crimean War. In 1854, seven days after leading the victorious Battle of Alma, he was stricken by fever and died three days later on a vessel taking him home to France. This was around the time of the New Bendigo gold rush when the national spirit was running high.

 This heroic narrative that lionizes the ailing Marshall and the less than decisive Battle of Alma. It goes on to claim that by 1856, ‘the residents of the goldfield had already decided on both the site and the name for a village along the St Arnaud Creek’. The inscription is at best a half or partial truth. The Battle of Alma occurred in Crimea late September 1854. Dispatches about the Battle arrived in Australia at the time of Eureka Rebellion in Ballarat two months later in December 1854. The miners at that time were actually revolting against the colonial authority and reach of the United Kingdom, including in Australia.

Saint-Arnaud, as the North Central News Editor, Sue Hynes recently revealed in the paper’s brave and timely Editorial, was no Saint. Indeed, he was a genocidal, multiple mass murderer who had absolutely nothing to do with Australia or the town. The French General Saint-Arnaud ordered the massacre of approximately 800 Moslem women, children and older people in Algeria in 1845. He boasted about herding them into a cave and asphyxiating them. He was also involved in several other later, dreadful genocidal and ethnic cleansing atrocities including burning entire villages. In the face of this evidence, the State member for Ripon, Louse Staley recently suggested that we retain the name Saint Arnaud and “learn from history, not erase it”.

My view is quite different. It is impossible to erase the past, but it is possible to learn from and acknowledge the past in order to reconcile the future. I ask whether our descendants have to live with scars like this irrelevant mass murderer (and a monument to him) in our town and landscape?

We have many options. At the very least, we need to better learn and understand who this man was and decide via enlightened and informed debate as a community what we might do about it. Closing our eyes and hoping it will go away is not an option. Might we first add the honest truth to a new inscription on the colonial-inspired brass monument in the Botanical Gardens?

Might we also approach the descendants of those massacred by Saint-Arnaud in Algeria, for example via the Northern Grampians Shire through the Algerian consulate, and apologise to the Algerian nation that we had no idea who this man was? Might we commission an appropriate memorial to those who were his victims in both Algeria and St Arnaud?

In my view, this dreadful man played no part in founding Australia or the town. His name is an obvious, unnecessary, accidental blight on our community and landscape. Changing a name does not change history, but it does change the prospects for the future.

As essential historical background, the French invaded Algeria (in north Africa) in 1830. Its brutal colonial conquest and occupation lasted over 160 years until the Algerian War of Independence in 1962. During the initial conquest, the French troops, including those led by Saint-Arnaud, were known to have looted, raped and massacred entire villages, desecrated mosques and destroyed cemeteries. In recent years this systematic organised French violence, chiefly in the form of massacres known as ‘razzias’ have come to be acknowledged not as warfare but as genocide.

My previous travels have taken me to many countries including Vietnam where Australian troops were deployed alongside US troops less than 50 years ago. Most recently in 2019 I spent one month in Iran, a proud Islamic nation demonized for its many decades of Islamic resistance to US covert military and political violence. When being unconditionally welcomed into a mosque in Shiraz in Iran, I was asked, “Why does America and Trump hate us?” All I could do was weep with shame and wonder whether Iranian Moslems would be similarly welcomed into an Australian Christian church.

In both Vietnam and Iran, I have been incredibly warmly welcomed as an Australian. Both countries respectively have had a long and deep history of enlightened Buddhist and Islamic learning and scholarship that goes back hundreds of years, well before the European enlightenment of the 17th and 18th Centuries.

Because these colonized nations and their and associated religious cultures are respectively primarily Buddhist and Islamic, and their people are largely non-white and non-Christian, they have, like Algeria, both been subject to centuries of colonial (including French) invasion, occupation, brutalization and subjugation. It is into these and other Asian and Middle Eastern wars seeking liberation and independence from colonial occupation that Australia has sometimes blundered and become hopelessly enmeshed within my lifetime.

The very recent ‘Black Lives Matter Movement’ is a moment in history where a global realization of the brutalization of non-white people has finally come to the surface. I was heartened on 11 June 2020 see the AFL football players respectfully take a knee and acknowledge that ‘Black Lives also Matter’ in Australia, particularly in relation to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians. I could never have imagined any of this would have been possible even a decade ago. We can learn and reconcile from history.

Way beyond the brutal police murder of George Floyd in the US, Australians have also come to realise that all is still not right in Australia in terms of equity and justice. St Arnaud the township may be a long way from Algeria, but it is increasingly uncomfortable to deny the Marshall’s genocide and to retain such an odious name for the town. Closing our hearts and minds and hoping it will all go away denies that black (including Moslem) lives also matter.

Might we instead find an acceptable, alternative local name for the township used by the traditional owners going back one thousand generations? For example, Kara Kara, whose local and town associations are more appropriately with gold and quartz, and whose name subsumed the local government area including the St Arnaud township from 1861 to 1994. If an acceptable name change was negotiated with the traditional Dja Dja Wurrung owners, this would also be one appropriate and very generous act towards local and national Aboriginal reconciliation. It would be an incredible win-win.

In changing the name, we would acknowledge that some genocidal deeds against humanity, and the naming of places commemorating the people responsible, whether it be Hitler in Germany, Pol Pot in Cambodia or Saint Arnaud in Algeria, are unnecessary scars on the community and the Australian landscape. Saint-Arnaud’s now well-documented act of genocide is so abominable that at the very least, there needs to be a public reexamination and reconsideration of the name, and ideally a process leading to a suitable renaming.

It is not possible to erase history. But it is possible to learn about, reconcile and change the many things that clearly need changing. Future generations will thank us for our wisdom and bravery by acknowledging that black lives do matter, including here and in Algeria. In thinking globally and acting locally, our sustainability and lives in this violently inherited Australian Dja Dja Wurrung landscape will be further reconciled and greatly enhanced.

Women’s Sheds

Women’s Sheds Internationally

Last updated 22 Aug 2022

 Honorary Professor Barry Golding  (Federation University, Ballarat, Australia) & 

Dr Lucia Carragher (Dundalk Institute of Technology, Dundalk, Ireland)

 2022 NEWS:

During mid 2022 Barry & Lucia are updating the information in the Table at the bottom of this blog. Some updated information from New Zealand ‘Womenz’ Sheds was provided by Dr Linda Warner, Massey University NZ. If you are able to help us fill in the gaps by supplying any of the missing information, please get in touch with us: for Australian & NZ Women’s Sheds, to Barry:, and for Irish & UK Women’s Sheds to Lucia: 

  1. The Australian Women’s Shed Community conducted its first ‘National Women’s Shed Week’ to coincide with International Women’s Day in 2022. Nell Harvey of the Coolum Women’s Shed advises that all the information about the week’s activities can be found via the link below:

The main themes in 2022 were  #SHEddies and #OurTimeOurSpace.

2. With the cooperation of Federation University and ALA,  our 2021 Women’s Shed scoping study,  was published in the Australian Journal of Adult Learning,

3. Women’s Sheds in Australia, the UK and Ireland to June 2022 are coalescing around current or proposed national Women’s Shed associations with contact details as below:


The history and development of the now international Men’s Sheds movement is reasonably well known (The Men’s Shed Movement: The Company of Men, 2015).

Around the same time that Barry Golding was researching this book, a small number of Shed-based community organisations had begun to spring up in Australia and elsewhere that were created instead mainly for and by women. In the five years since there has been a significant growth in the number of Women’s Sheds (some called by other names including  ‘She Sheds’), some as offshoots of existing Men’s Sheds, planned or opened, particularly in Australia, Ireland and the UK.

We aim to progressively map the field internationally and share whatever information individual Women’s Sheds are happy to contribute. If there is information missing or wrong, please let us know.

What follows outlines the international situation in relation to the emerging ‘Women’s Sheds’ movement to October 2021. It was evident from the rapidly expanding table at the foot of this blog that there was a sufficient number of such ‘Women’s ‘Sheds’ open or active before the COVID shutdown, to justify our initial 2021 international scoping study.

Is is also evident from the number of times this blog has been visited that there is considerable interest in Women’s Sheds internationally.

We are aware of how incredibly isolated some Women’s shedders feel. As Ger Scully told us from Beara Women’s Shed in  a remote area of Cork, “I have no idea if the interest will be there [for our Shed]  after restrictions are lifted. A few of us stay in touch on Whats App, but it’s hard to say if we will be continuing . Insurance costs are €500, so that money is hard to raise with so few members. I would love to hear a bit more about what you have discovered about Women’s Sheds in Ireland. It seems to me that they start up and then disappear after a year or two. I only found another one in Donegal. Is that one still functioning ? It would be a real help to us to get some encouragement . Please do stay in touch if you have or can give us any information.”

Given that many Shed-based community organizations including Women’s Sheds were in partial or total lockdown during much of 2020-21, we have relied on publicly available information from the web, augmented by information provided by informants via email and published in this data base with their permission.

At least one half of Women’s Sheds open or developing (before the early 2020 COVID shutdown)  had a publicly available email address on the internet and most have a Facebook site. Around one quarter of the rest have a publicly accessible contact name, phone number or physical location.

Our first aim as researchers is, with the assistance of Women’s Shed practitioners to fill in the missing gaps in the Table on the bottom of this blog and make this Women’s Shed database publicly accessible. We  plan to regularly update the blog as new information comes in. We anticipate this will enable individuals and organisations developing Women’s Sheds to network, contact, learn from and support each other.

Barry Golding used a similar process to create and circulate a Men’s Shed data base to inform and productively support early Australian Men’s Sheds between 2005 and 2007. At that time blog-based public platforms were less common  and the information was circulated mainly by email. Since 2007 the Australian database has been maintained by the Australian Men’s Shed Association (AMSA). Since the creation of IMSA in Ireland, UKMSA in the UK and MENZSHED  New Zealand during the past decade, searchable ‘Find a Men’s Shed’ sites have been available online in Australia, Ireland, the UK and New Zealand.

Our second aim is to more closely identify the genesis, scale, scope, spread, nature and impact of the Women’s Shed sector. We are aware from our previous research into the impact of Men’s Sheds on communities and individuals, that governments and not-for-profit organisations make funding decisions that rely on rigorously collected evidence and research. To this point, no such reliable evidence is available for Women’s Sheds.

Barry & Lucia with Associate Professor Annette Foley have written a journal article called ‘The Women’s Shed Movement: Scoping the field internationally’. published in the July 2021  Australian Journal of Adult Learning. They are also working up a proposal for a field-based, international Women’s Shed research study.

Barry and Lucia have written a Chapter about ‘Women’s Sheds Worldwide’ (Chapter 10, pages 319-353) in Barry Golding’s new book, Shoulder to Shoulder: Broadening the Men’s Shed Movement, published in October 2021  in the US through Common Ground Publishing, as a sequel to Barry’s 2015 book, The Men’s Shed Movement: The Company of Men.  If you are based in Australia and would like to purchase a copy of either book (in soft cover) at the discounted author price of AUD$55 (add $10 postage), please contact Barry:

Barry Golding, Lucia Carragher and Annette Foley collaborated to publish a peer reviewed journal article published in July 2021 in the Australian Journal of Adult Learning 61(2), 150-174, called ‘The Women’s Shed Movement: Scoping the field internationally’.

Separately, Barry, Lucia and Annette have written up a number of other papers based on field  interviews we have conducted in Australian and Irish Men’s Sheds. This research is examining the impact of Men’s Sheds on significant others, particularly wives and partners of male shedders. In the process we have come across a number of rural Men’s Sheds where women participate and are involved in the Shed, sometimes on equal terms with men but more often on different days to the men. Some of this research will be published in academic journals during 2022. The next one to be published during 2022 is ‘Shedding light: A qualitative study of women’s views on Men’s Sheds in Ireland and Australia’ in the Journal, Health and Social Care in the Community.

It is clear that many women also and separately enjoy somewhere to go, something to do and someone to talk with, sometimes in the sole company of other women. Our research should produce some useful, new and timely evidence about the nature and impact of Women’s Sheds.

Women’s Sheds

Women’s Sheds are essentially community places and spaces where women can come together at any life stage, engage in a variety of activities and connect with other women in an all (or mostly) female environment. While most adopt an organisational title which puts the name of the place first, e.g. ‘Port Macquarie Women’s Shed’, around one third put ‘Women’s Shed’ up front, e.g. ‘Women’s Shed Seymour’.

Many Women’s Sheds have been created as grassroots community organisations, typically led by one or a small number of passionate and well-networked women. Most make extensive use of social media, particularly Facebook, and many have dedicated websites.

Some Women’s Sheds have emerged as separate entities or been operating out of or through an existing Men’s Shed organisation or building. Some began or are now operated in an auspice arrangement through an existing community organisation such as a community centre. Others have been set up independently as stand alone Women’s Shed organisations, though relatively few appear to own their purpose built premises.

The rationale for particular Women’s Sheds appears similarly diverse. What is different from Men’s Sheds, at least superficially, is that very few Women’s Sheds appear to be focused specifically on older women. Most have been driven by a perceived community need to connect, empower and involve women of all ages.

Patrick Abrahams,  UK Men’s Sheds Association Ambassador has recently concluded, on the basis of observations of quite a few Women’s Sheds start-ups across the UK, that ‘ ... they typically follow a different development path than the Men’s Sheds in the UK. Women’s Sheds often gather a large number of members early on, and this quite rapidly dwindles. This was happening even before the shutdowns forced by the COVID 19 pandemic. By contrast Men’s Sheds typically start slowly and then grow. The overall failure rate of Women’s Sheds in the UK tends to be much higher than Men’s or Community-based Sheds. I think this caused by the greater need in Women’s Sheds of training/support on DIY/woodwork and other skills (or specific planned group activities). By contrast, Men’s Sheds seem to be more self-sufficient, in terms of individuals undertaking projects without the need for support, training or group activities’.

It is clear from the information generously provided by Women’s Sheds in the tables below that many are struggling with recognition, finding it hard to attract funding and create a permanent meeting place. From 1 October 2020 the ability for Women’s Sheds to attract funds within Australia was boosted by the declaration by the Australian  Taxation Office (ATO) of DGR (Deductible Gift Recipient Status of community sheds, defined as ‘Men’s Sheds and Women’s Sheds’.

The ATO condition is that the Women’s Shed  organisation’s dominant purposes ‘must be advancing mental health and preventing or relieving social isolation’, are ‘seeking to achieve those purposes principally by providing a physical location where it supports individuals to undertake activities, or work projects, in the company of others‘. Further, either: ‘ there is no particular criteria for membership for your organisation; or the criteria for membership relate only to an individual’s gender or Indigenous status (in that membership is, for cultural reasons, open only to Indigenous persons), or both. Further information see:

The Irish Times (11 Jan 2020)  reported the opening up of funding to Irish Women’s Sheds as well as Men’s Sheds. The Irish Minister of Rural Affairs (Michael Ring) said that ‘Since its establishment less than 10 years ago, the impact of the men’s sheds movement has been phenomenal,” Mr Ring said. “I’ve no doubt that the emergence of women’s sheds can only be a good thing for community life in Ireland. ”

These funding  issues associated with Sheds setting up were common to many early Men’s Sheds before the movement gained traction after the mid 2000s in Australia and in Ireland and the UK from 2010. Once Men’s Sheds started to actively network and research became available to buttress their claims about impact the. Movement took off in leaps and bounds.

To March 2021 approximately 200  research articles, many peer reviewed and including several Masters and PhD theses, had been published internationally about Men’s Sheds. Until Women’s Sheds are able to get wider recognition including from academics it will be difficult to produce evidence of impact other than by extrapolation from  Men’s Sheds research.

Despite their positive ideals and early successes, some early Women’s Sheds were closed or in recess as a consequence of feeling isolated and lacking community support, even before the COVID1 pandemic. As researchers committed to being of assistance, we hope that our blog helps identify some of the common difficulties as well as providing some common solutions and future possibilities.

Context for the development of Women’s Sheds to 2021

Barry Golding’s (2015) The Men’s Shed Movement book includes four pages (pp.364-367) summarizing data on the critically important role of women in creating and supporting individual Men’s Sheds as well as the now international Movement. In Australia, where the first Men’s Sheds opened over two decades ago, decisions about women’s involvement in the shed as participants has typically been made at a local level. Whilst in most Australian Men’s Sheds it is solely or mainly men who participate in the shed activity, a small number of Men’s Sheds include women as equal members and participants.

Quite a number of Men’s Sheds have separate programs and days for women. Some ‘Women’s Sheds’ operate out of preexisting Men’s Sheds. A small number of sheds are badged as ‘Community Sheds’ or Community Men’s Sheds in order to be more inclusive of women. Some Shed-based organisations also involve children as participants.

She Sheds

A small number of community-run Shed-based organizations for and by women  call themselves ‘She Sheds’.

Evidence online suggests that the term ‘She Shed’ otherwise refers mainly to personal and private shed-type places and spaces in the house or back yard. A Google search on the term suggests that a ‘Shed Shed’ is:

… a female man cave. It is a dedicated space in the home set aside just for the woman of the house. It can a place for recreation, rejuvenation and enjoying personal activities. Most of all it is a female sanctum dedicated entirely to the woman.

Consistent with the above, a 179 full-colour book by Erika Kotite, She Sheds: A room of your own published in January 2017 encourages women to:

… Create your very own hideaway for relaxing, crafting, reading, or just to have a private place just for you. She Sheds provides the instruction and inspiration in this lovely gift-able edition. They’ve got their man caves, and it’s time for you to have a space of your own.

It is evident that many commercial businesses are riding the personal She Shed wave, particularly in the US, offering products to help construct  or enhance backyard She Sheds.

Other Women’s Shed name variants

A small number of what are effectively Women’s Shed-based organisations use other names, typically also including the name of the locality,  including ‘Shelia’s Shack’, ‘Shelia’s Shed’, ‘Ladies Shed’, ‘Fix it Sisters Shed’ and ‘Her Cave’.

Whilst we have not included Shed-based community organisations on our data base which call themselves ‘Community Sheds’,  ‘Community Men’s Sheds’ or ‘Men’s Shed’s, we acknowledge that such Sheds sometimes include some or many women as members.

A brief history of community-based Sheds for and by women

Whilst it is far too early to write a definitive history of the Women’s Sheds Movement, there is evidence that the idea and practice has evolved within the past decade and accelerated in the past five years to 2020.  In many ways it appears to be a female response to and mirroring of the development of Men’s Sheds, but tailored to women’s sometimes different needs and interests. A Women’s Shed Facebook site was founded in July 2010 as  ‘A place to exchange and share in the building of a Women’s Shed Network across Australia and beyond!’

National Men’s Shed peak bodies in Australia and Ireland (AMSA & IMSA) have recently begun to acknowledge and provide logistical support for some Women’s Sheds.

Governments in Ireland and Australia have also begun to acknowledge or include Women’s Sheds in their funding rounds. In January 2020, 22 Women’s Sheds across Ireland as well as 339 Irish Men’s Sheds were acknowledged for the first time as being eligible for a total pool of funding of a half million Euro to help purchase equipment and carry out works. Men’s Sheds in Ireland are eligible if they are registered with the Irish Men’s Sheds Association.

There is no equivalent national affiliation for Women’s Sheds, which causes difficulty in defining them. The following criteria are considered when deciding whether a group that applies is a ‘Women’s Shed’ and is eligible for funding (from the Community Enhancement Programme 2019 guidelines for ‘small scale capital costs’.)

  • If they are affiliated with another parent association (which means they are not really a Shed), then they should not be eligible for this fund.
  • There must be an appropriate organisational structure to the Shed.
  • The number of number of members of the group should be considered. If there are very few members then this should be considered along with their level of activity when deciding on eligibility.
  • The group should demonstrate that their ethos consistent with the ethos of the Men’s Shed movement.

Women’s Sheds international data base to May 2022

Our data base below confirms that of the approximately 110  Women’s Sheds (or similarly named equivalent community organisations) internationally, at least one half were likely to have previously been operating internationally, being planned or under development before the COVID lockdown in early 2020.

International summary to May 2022

Australia: Table 1, below

62 listed on the data base; evidence that 56 were open as Women’s Sheds or similar  at some time since 2010 (some are now closed in 2021).

Of those 56 Women’s Sheds recorded from Australia that are or were open to March 2021:

      • 32 (57%) are in New South Wales
      • 8 (14%) are in Victoria
      • 8 (14%) are in Queensland
      • 5 (9%) are in Western Australia
      • 4 (5%) are in South Australia
      • 1 (2%) are in Tasmania

Ireland of Ireland: Table 3, below

  • 26 recorded on data base,  24 In the Republic of Ireland, 2 in Northern Ireland
  • In 18 different Irish Counties (2 each in Cork, Clare, Mayo & Galway)
  • 23 evidence of being active active or open at some time.
  • Of the 16 Irish Women’s Sheds with evidence of year of commencement, all but one commenced in the past five years (2015-2020). Dublin opened in 2014 but closed in 2015.

UK: Table 4, below

  • 30 recorded on data base
  •  25 confirmed active or open at some time.
  • 4 in Wales, one in Scotland, 25 in England
  • Of the 18 with evidence of year of commencement , aside from Penge & Woolwich (both in London, opened in 2014 and 2015; and Frome 2020) the balance were opened in the three years between 2017 & 2019).

NZ Table 2, below

  • 3 on data base,
  • 2 contacted,
  • 2 confirmed active or open at some time.

International TOTALS

Open at some stage as a Women’s Shed: 56 in Australia, 23 in Ireland, 25 in the UK; 2 in New Zealand

  •  123 on data base,
  • 106 confirmed active or open at some stage

More than one half (53%)  of all Women’s Sheds  open at some stage on the international data base were in Australia, with 22% on the Island of Ireland, around one quarter (24%) in the UK (England, Scotland or Wales), with 2% in New Zealand.

We are progressively updating Tables 1-4 , below (for Australia,  Ireland, the UK and New Zealand), including the new information as responses come in.

We have added a star * to Sheds that appear to be open during 2022,

Women’s Sheds Internationally


(66 listed: 37 likely open 2 in 2022)

Name of Shed (place, State) #  shared premises with a  Men’s Shed  Established (*Open 2022) Publicly available information [last updated]
New South Wales (34 Sheds)
Orange Women’s Shed (NSW)

updated 11 Oct 2021

2018*. Open 2021 , Contact Michelle Einsaar, ‘Shed intention to develop skills & confidence in women to be able to do small maintenance jobs. Open to any women age 16+ who would like to learn how to use basic tools safely. Friendly with neighbouring Lucknow & Borenore Men’s Sheds. Shed at rear of 1635 Forest Road, Orange. Approx 45 members. Open Wed to Fri 9.30am-1pm. Main activities small woodworking projects on different home maintenance tasks.’ Facebook page active 2021.
Parramatta Women’s Shed (NSW) 9 Dec 2018 ‘Partnership between Supporting and linking Tradeswomen (SALT), The Bower & City of Parramatta’. Pre COVID met every third Wed 6-8pm at The Bower, Parramatta. ‘A creative social group pf women of all ages who share their individual Grace Turbott, Operations Manager, Bower Reuse & Repair Centres 02 80042666 reports (Oct 2020) that ‘Our women’s shed has been in a transition phase due to change of management and structure in our location – and COVID on top. Unfortunately, we aren’t able to provide precise meeting dates/times , but will do so when we have them finalised’. Facebook page active 2021. August 2022 update from Fi Shewring ‘I am sorry to say that we have permanently closed our Shed at Quakers Hill at short notice. We are hopeful that we may be able to set up another Shed at some time in the future but at this stage we can’t project where or when that may be. We are concentrating on our mobile workshop which travels all around Australia and we will do our utmost to continue to run workshops for women in the community. We would like to thank you for your support and interest.’ [Update 5 Aug 2022]
Albury Women’s Shed(NSW) 2016 first meeting;  in premises since 2017 * FACEBOOK Albury Women’s Shed : 0476166577: www.alburywomen’ . Open Mon & Fri 10-1, Wed 4.30-7.30pm. 195 Corrys Rd, Thurgoona 2640; ‘Aimed at empowering women that are learning together about renovation, repair and using tools. What do women do at the Shed: We learn! We encourage. We help each other to renovate furniture, build garden benches and we contemplate our next project. And there is laughter as we work on our projects and chat (as long as no-one is drilling or sawing!). Women are also welcome to come in and enjoy the company of other members over a cuppa or a quiet time in the library.’ Facebook page active 2021.
Ulladulla Woman’s Shed (NSW)* formed 2014/15* Premises in Aug 2015, Awaiting email response @, 2014 President Jan McKay 0476956459 MISSING EMAIL CONTACT
Her Cave Inc.  (Kanwal, NSW)*

Updated 11 Oct 2021


Closed during COVID July-Oct 2021: then reopened : 0415281920,  Contact Regina Doyle (President). Aim ‘To share handcraft skills for very low cost and help create friendships, on the Central Coast [NSW] area. … No age limits!!! ‘Any women needing friendships to learn new skills and combat loneliness’. Open Wed & Fri 9.30am-2.30pm 41 Pearce Road, Kanwal;  Group ranges in age from 20 through to  80s. ‘We don’t discriminate on age or sex as to men learning to sew’. ‘We would dearly love to have our own place like the Men’s Sheds, but as we are not associated with other Women’s Sheds it makes it very hard to get somewhere we can use solely at a low rent. Many of our members are medically unfit to move furniture back and forth to a storage space. Facebook page active 2021.’Since July 2021 we had to close due to the new COVID outbreak & we are happy to see we will be opening back up  20 October, 2021. As we operate only on fees that our members pay each week & not received any financial help over the entire lockdown we are now scraping the bottom of the barrel when it comes to rent. We thought we were going to be lucky enough to get a hall through our local council but that has been put on hold for another six months which takes that saga to 18 months of not knowing where we stand. The “Men’s Sheds” tended to get plenty of funding when they wanted a shed built but for us women it doesn’t seem that simple it seems. …  or we aren’t as lucky as they have been in the past. One other part of the building “purpose built sheds” for the men is that some of them are or were builders so they could do alot of the work we don’t usually do. Apart from all the problems we face when we want to create something worthwhile for others, we can at least smile under our masks & get a bit of normality back in our lives after next week [mid Oct 2021] & hope we can stay open for a longer time from now on.
Moree Women’s Shed (NSW)

Updated 11 Oct 2021

March 2021 * Contact: Julia Mitchell (Founder) 0438222060. Operating from an old gentlemen’s club which was donated to the Lifehouse Church. Took out AMSA (Australian Men’s Shed Association) membership to make insurance cheaper.  Vision: ‘A place to create, but more importantly, somewhere to connect. A central place where women could come together, share stories, have a cuppa, work on a project, share with others, help the community and grow old together’. Open Tuesday 9.30am-11.30pm. Moree Women’s Shed Facebook Group.
The Hills Women’s Shed (Baulkham Hills, Sydney, NSW) 2018* An initiative of Positive Vibes Foundation, a charity organisation, see:,  Active Facebook Page, The Hills Women’s Shed. (THWS) Contact , Mercedes or Jeanette 0408549530.  ‘A progressive organisation pulsating with a community heart: Women focussed, man & family friendy’. ‘We have a calendar of events including mental health events, gardening, sewing classes, cooking classes, succulents activities, beauty and wellbeing etc for our community group. We welcome the community in general, including women from different cultural backgrounds and also some male members. Everyone is welcome to our sessions, events and classes. We are working hard with the community to break the stigma of mental health.’
Women’s Shed on the Lake (Lake Macquarie, NSW)


2017* FACEBOOK: , 0458407749  ‘inclusive group for women of all ages’, Fri 9am-12, Warner’s Bay Baptist Church Hall.  ‘Our group was formed in October 2016 and is an activity of a Community Centre (Our Community Place) situated in Boolaroo, Lake Macquarie NSW. We are open to women of all ages. In the beginning we met fortnightly and were supported by a worker from the community centre. Over time our members have formed a committee and have become responsible for the management of the group. We are also financially independent, raising funds to support the group. Our group meets weekly now and we have  at least 25-30 women attending weekly. The Committee manages a program which includes craft experiences, outings, speakers from a variety of organisations of interest to the women as well as community projects which support local organisations. Our biggest challenge so far has been to find a permanent home which suits the needs of the group.’ Margaret Standen, Sub-committee, Women’s Shed on the Lake.
Community Women’s Shed Kurri Kurri (NSW)* 2015* Contact Dee Phelps Threlfo FACEBOOK: ; Thurs & Fri, 9.30-1. ‘Bringing women together. For women of all ages & backgrounds’.
Women’s Shed, Forster(NSW) opened July 2010, (one of the first in Australia), CLOSED  2014 Affiliated with Forster Neighbourhood Centre (FNC) Original intention ‘to support women of all ages and backgrounds. A meeting place – a giving and receiving place’. ‘Representatives from various Great Lakes district organisations and services visited the FNC’s Women’s Shed to share information about the services that they provide to the community. Some of the group activities included:Free health checks – Blood Pressure & Blood Sugar Check, Catering for community events and the soup kitchen, Fundraising for women, children and families in crisis, Self-defence classes, Local History Walks, Singing and Poetry. CLOSED 2014
Port Macquarie Women’s Shed (NSW) Oct 2015* ‘Building confidence, capability and connection’. FACEBOOK: contact Bev McKinlay, Secretary 0405153491; . Approx. 40 members, with meeting room in Port Macquarie & limited access to woodwork facilities in Port Macquarie. Update Oct 2021, below from Jennifer Tighe, President PMWS, 0429184093: ‘Our Port Macquarie Women’s Shed has successfully gained land which we will be able to build our own purpose built shed. A wonderful achievement for our community. We have submitted plans to the local council, which have been approved and we are in the process of applying for grants and raising funds to get it started. We have women from 18 to 91 in our group, we do anything and everything, from making dreamcatchers, earrings, mosaics, as well as sewing, crocheting, knitting and using our woodworking tools to create a variety of items. To raise funds to continue, we charge membership, we have workshops, we have stalls occasionally and also have events, such as ‘girls night out’ which includes a movie night, gift bag, drinks and nibbles. We expect an increase in membership once our shed is built. We have also applied for charity status, which will allow members or the community to donate to us. Our main focus remains mental health for our regional and isolated women, we also believe in empowering women to gain new skills and knowledge, while building meaningful relationships. We have found that so many of our ladies are lonely, suffer from anxiety or depression, have lost their partners or children, are in the early stages of dementia and this gives them a safe place to get together and help each other. We are certainly looking forward to the 12 months, which should see us have the shed completed and up and running. Update May 2022 from Jennifer Tighe, President: ‘We have been successful in gaining 2 grants and hope to start our building soon. We are getting quotes for water/sewer and power to the site. The DA was approved, we have been given Charity status, we now have 50 members, we have started having guest speakers attending and started using resin, making bags for kids, started ukulele lessons along with many more workshops. We have a lovely bunch of caring women attending. This is all that needs updating at the moment.’ [May 2022]
Two Sheds Workshop (Bega, NSW 2014 (Bega) * ‘Addressing the entrenched gender gap in the building industry’: Woodwork for Women and Kids; 0419286507 LM,  Awaiting email address@  Website 
Two Sheds Workshop  (Canberra, ACT) 2017 (Canberra) *  As above
Inner West Women’s Shed(Dulwich Hill) (NSW) April 2013. Closed during COVID19,  reopened* ‘Working to Honor and Empower Women’; met Wed pm in Seaview Hall before shutdown. Membership $10 per annum since 2013.  ‘There are no plans to meet again due to concerns about health and wellbeing of members, many of whom are in the high risk category.’ MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Wagga Wagga Women’s Shed  Inc. (NSW) July 2017* FACEBOOK Kerlane, Email: Helen, Secretary 0403875590. Opened by Kerry Luff. Meet 3 days a week Mon, Wed  & Fri 10am-2 pm. ‘We have meditation, yoga, tai chi , Knitting/ crocheting, line dancing & raft classes. Meet at the Tennis Courts on Beckwith Street. Our main aim is to create a safe place for women of all ages to meet and talk. Participants range from 30 to 90 years; single, married, divorced  or widowed’.
Hunter Valley Women’s Shed (Maitland, NSW) floated 2017* FACEBOOK: ‘women coming together, empowering each other to learn and gain skills.’. Meet Thursday at Branxton Uniting Church, Open Nov 2020 MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Narromine Community Women’s Shed (NSW) April 2013 * FACEBOOK: 0487200987, Leina, Public Officer
Lithgow Area Women’s Shed (NSW) 2019* Private FACEBOOK, ‘A place where all women in Lithgow area are welcome to come and join us’, with a strong emphasis on’ building women; seeking a permanent home. MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Hornsby & Ku-ring-gai Women’s Shed  (NSW) 15 May 2019* FACEBOOK :Via PCYP Hornsby: . ‘providing a safe, inclusive & supportive space for women to learn & connect through sharing stories, experiences & knowledge.’
Griffith Women’s Shed (Yoogali, NSW) Open 6 Nov 2018* , Carol Johnson, President,
Robertson Men’s  Shed(near Bowral (NSW) # Temporary Men’s Shed with women involved since 2017, new Men’s Shed including women 2020 * John Kennis, President, Robinson Men’s Shed:‘In a temporary Shed, a 6m x 7m garage. for both men and women, Men on Tuesdays, Women on Fridays. The number of women participating  vary  but the ones that do come are very keen.  When the women attend, the Men’s Shed provide two members to assist in training on equipment, safety and other assistance. Our new Shed should be completed by December 2020. Once completed we will still run two separate days for men and women and on occasion have mixed days. The feedback from the women  attending is very positive and I am sure that we will have a great shed for both men and women. We need to ensure we do not stray from the main ethos of what Men’s Sheds are for, the health and wellbeing of men, now also the health and wellbeing of women. Our vision is to provide for the community of Robertson a Shed that can be a place for both men and women to meet, socialise and become engaged with community. Also run youth workshops, community workshops, people with a disability workshops’.
Arncliffe: Fix  it Sisters Shed (NSW) 2018* FACEBOOK, , Instagram and Facebook
@fixitsistershed.  ’empowering women of all ages with practical and creative skills’. Update 3 May 2022 below from Linda: In 2020, the Fix It Sisters moved from our previous location to a larger premises in the Sydney suburb of Kyeemagh. We are in the process of gradually expanding our membership, with a focus on growth that is sustainable. Our penguin burrow project has continued with the support of prominent Australian wildlife organisations. Our burrows are dotted across Australian islands on the East coast. On Snapper Island, 80% of our burrows are inhabited! During COVID-19, we continued operations via Zoom and maintained social connection. Now that we are back in person, we have restarted our workshops, showcases and projects, all underscored by our aim to empower women with practical and creative skills. [May 2022]
Cessnock Community Women’s Shed (NSW) Sept 2015* FACEBOOK,  0456213604, ‘inclusive group for all women’,
Coonamble Women’s Shed (NSW) Active from 23 July 2018 * FACEBOOK, . ‘about helping women escape the everyday pressures that life throws up. So come along and have some fun’.
Corowa and District SHE Shed Inc(NSW) Formed Feb 2017* FACEBOOK, meet Corowa CWA Rooms, Wed 10-2, Basia (shed supervisor) 0419630101.  ‘SHE:  S stands for ‘soul sanctuary, shine, strive, social, smart, sparkle, spirit, super-solidarity, star’; H harmony, health, happy, heart, handy heal  & E esteem, enhancement, energy, enthusiasm, essence, excellence’.  MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Gundagai Women’s Shed(NSW)

updated 12 Oct 2021

Active 2021 * Run through Gundagai Men’s Shed: Contact: Wendy Chomley . ‘Gundagai Women’s Shed currently has 6 active members. We meet every Wednesday from 8:30am till noon. We are supervised by one of the men who have instructed us in the proper use of the machines. We have a lot of fun and laughs whilst doing upcycling and repair projects ranging from tables and outdoor furniture to bread boards and bird houses. New members are very welcome.’
Mullumbimby Women’s Shed (NSW) Convened March 2018 * FACEBOOK, ‘a welcoming sacred space for women and girls to connect, grow & learn in an atmosphere of generosity and goodwill’, Community Gardens Rotunda, Thurs 2-4. MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Women’s Shed  (Marian House) (Karuah, Hunter Region, NSW) first proposed May 2010, first meeting 16 June 2010* Karuah, Myall Coast Catholic Parish, Contact: ;  Rose Smith: 0414834922  ‘Provides an opportunity for women to get together in our hall for a chat, a cuppa and to share in some simple craft ideas’. The suggestion arose because I had for several years belonged to a craft group that met regularly, and the enjoyment I experienced was something I was keen to share. We meet monthly on the second Tuesday of each month and I organise and prepare the craft activity The ladies keep an eye out for ideas and happily share these. We really knew nothing much about Men’s Sheds when we started except that they existed and so one of our number thought if it was good enough for men to have a shed then it was good enough for us to have a Women’s Shed ! Not a very professional approach I feel but it was and still is, intended to be a no fuss, pleasant gathering for the ladies of our town.’
The Ladies’ Shed, Kempsey (NSW) #one day for ladies in Men’s Shed * ,  Tuesday’s 10-2 in the Kempsey Men’s Shed.
Sheila’s Shed, Tuncurry (NSW) 2017 * FACEBOOK: 0481148029 LM, creative art & craft group, 22/60 Manning Street, Tuncurry MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Clarence River U3A Women’s Shed (NSW) #

Meet in Men’s Shed

2016 *  Doreen Plyman, Group Leader and one of the founding members. 0423632404, ‘We began in mid 2012 with 6 women and now operate with a membership of approx. 60 women. We meet at the Men’s Shed in Townsend NSW every Friday from 0900 to 1500 and apart from 3 months closure from April till 24th June we have operated continuously. During covid 19 we have implemented the necessary restrictions placed upon us. When someone new joins us they are taught how to operate both wood and metalwork machinery and hand tools to enable them to safely exist in a workshop environment. On their first day they make their own toolbox. We have a male mentor to assist if necessary, contact: email local U3A website ‘Our main aim is to provide a safe and friendly environment for women to learn new skills and socialise with their peers. To join our Women’s Shed you need to be over 50 and not working full time as we come under U3A and must meet their membership criteria.’
Wyong Women’s Shed (NSW) Opened Feb 2019 * FACEBOOK, , 0491769935, 48 Nerambi Rd, Buff Point, Shed President: Kim 0425259867
Yeoval Women’s Shed(NSW) INCLUDED AS A CASE STUDY IN ‘WOMEN’S SHED WORLDWIDE’ BOOK CHAPTER,  (Golding & Carragher, 2021, pp. 338-9) 2015 * FACEBOOK, in association with ‘Yeoval and District Men’s Shed’ Frances Parish, President and Founder : NOTE ‘Yeoval and District Men’s Shed and Women’s Shed’ is the sign on street frontage; both Sheds  share the same building.
Inverell Women’s Cottage(Shed) (NSW) July 2020 * FACEBOOK, Lorraine Brown, 0447683134. Inverell Times July 9 2020 article ‘ Through working at the BEST Community Shed [3 ladies] found there was a desperate need for a place women of all ages could go to build skills, learn how to be independent and empower one another. After voicing the idea on social media, a meeting was held to form a committee and look for a place to call the cottage home. Publicity Officer Heather Whitby said since then, Northern Inland Community College in Inverell has donated their old premises in Campbell Street for the purpose of Inverell Women’s Cottage.’
SALT SkillWomen Shed, Quakers Hill, (NSW) SALT begun 2009, SALT Shed Launched Nov 2017 * :  Facebook Website Marti Fletcher runs the Shed in consultation with Fi Shewring and other volunteers  plus the SALT office. ‘Supporting And Linking Tradeswomen (SALT) began in 2009 and since 20012 has run a very unique mobile workshop which has travelled across Australia teaching mostly women and girls but boys and men as well. SALT has taught thousands of people basic tool skills via the mobile SALT workshops which have been a huge success, but many people kept saying to us “But I want to learn more!”. When we began the mobile workshops in 2012, we contacted some Men’s Sheds to see if we could use some space to provide a workshop on a regular basis. The response was not positive so we stayed completely mobile but the idea grew that we could easily run our own shed. Initially, the biggest issue was finding a space which was ours for little cost. We followed a number of leads in Wollongong but nothing eventuated until I met Marti, an electrician from Blacktown. She ‘took the bit between her teeth’ and not only found a space but contacted Blacktown Council who were completely supportive. When we first gained access to what became the ‘SALT Shed’, it was in a sad condition. We cleaned, installed and built benches and Blacktown Council helped with some necessary repairs to the structure. The SALT Shed was launched in November 2017. One of the unique things about the SALT Shed is that it is run by tradeswomen from many different trades. Wehave since run many courses s such as the Basic Tool Skills course (which is the crux of the Mobile workshop)s but we have also run workshops on paving, using jigsaws and scroll saws as well as security in the home and many others. There is also ;Tinker Time; which is space and time each week for Shed members to bring in their own projects; the tradespeople support them with tool knowledge and safety. It has been quite extraordinary what has been achieved during these times from cutting down bar stools to match existing ones to creating very personal memorials to lost loved ones. Blacktown Council have been amazingly supportive of the Shed with SALT tradies giving their time voluntarily to staff and run it. Courses are run on a material cost and offer a great deal of support to people, whether it is just to learn basics to help themselves in their own home or to increase their skills in a range of tools. We have also connected with a number of other Sheds and provided the Basic Tool Skills Workshop to many of them on a regular basis. Membership of the SALT Shed is for a year and to join you need to book into a Basic Tool Skills Workshop and complete this first course. For a very small fee this gives you not only membership of the Shed for a year but also inducts you on how the Shed works, safety and how to use the basic tools. The Shed’s aims are SALTs aims, plus providing a space where people can learn and gain skills in a safe environment.
Adelong Shed Women’s Day ‘Adelong has a day dedicated to women in their Men’s Shed’: awaiting further information,  MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Tarago Area Women’s Shed Dec 2021 Tarago is a small village 40km south of Goulburn: awaiting further information & contact details from organisers, Feb 2022
 Bleu Mountains Women’s Shed 2019 Karen Stevenson, President of Blue Mountains Women’s Shed reported in late 2021 . ‘We have been in existence since 2019. Recently on the Channel 10 show ‘The Living Room’. We have a very small shed which had a renovation thanks to the TV show and promoted Women’s Sheds Australia wide.
We have been closed all through COVID, but will be officially reopening in December [2021], we have over 1,700 Facebook followers and around 25 financial members, up until the shed was renovated we were a mobile shed, with a trailer providing pop-up workshops for women from Lapstone to Little Hartley here in the Blue Mountains. We will still provide this service as our shed isn’t big enough to work from, we will use it more as a meeting place, to catch up for a cuppa and a chat’.

Queensland (9 Sheds)

The Sheila’s Shack Inc., Nerang (Qld) 2013* 0490815790.’ Shelia’s Shack is a not-for-profit friendship group for women to share knowledge, skills, socialise and build friendships. We meet on Thursday and Saturday mornings from 9am till 12 noon for a cuppa and chat. We hold workshops, art, craft, we have a walking group and book club we also fund-raise to help those in need in our local community’.  meets Nerang Country Paradise Parklands, Nerang. MISSING EMAIL CONTACT
Women’s Shed Townsville (Qld) 2019* ‘to provide women with a similar experience as men’. ‘female version of the Men’s Shed’. MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Charters Towers Women of the Outback Shed (Qld [first in Qld] 2015/ 2016* Drought stricken, outback community: Response:  ‘Part of, and represented in and by The Australian Men’s Shed Association and adhere to Covid 19 guidelines produced by the Queensland State Government and the Australian Federal Government.’
Toowoomba Women’s Shed (Qld) 2019*  Contact Jean Turner: 0488126282, . ‘Toowoomba Women’s Shed became a reality when the women who are part of it decided that we needed to work for helping our own community . We had been associated with Sewing For Charity Australia and all our handmade goods were being sent round Brisbane and down thru the eastern states. The core group have been meeting and sewing items for 4-5 years. but we became the Women’s Shed about a year ago (2019) .We now meet in a shed belonging to a church here in Toowoomba and meet on Tuesdays and Thursdays but looking at that being extended to more days. We sew, talk, laugh and have a nurturing effect on our joint lives. Facebook is Toowoomba Women’s Shed . We aim to produce usable worthwhile items for needy people i.e. Aged care homes, school groups in lower socioeconomic areas hospitals, child care and wild life carers to name a few . We are basically in the age range 60-90. Some ladies come every week. Sometimes we deliver work to them and give their lives purpose that they are helping others. It was my dream and it is fulfilling for all of us and it is a joy to watch the new ones blossom and change in confidence and abilities as the time goes on.’
Harrisville Women’s Shed (Scenic Rim near Beaudesert) (Qld) 2016 * Anglican Parish, MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
The Gap She Shed, (The Gap) (Qld) Nov 2019 * Private FACEBOOK (739 members created 6 Nov 2019), ‘ Supportive and caring; Helping to create community; enjoy learning, ideas & creativity; skill sharing across generations; have a laugh in a relaxed and safe environment; engage and make new friendships, diverse and exclusive. A FUN social group to bring together the Gap community of young women, retirees, new mum’s and everyone in between. To provide a platform for FRIENDSHIP, SKILL SHARING, COMPANY, LEARNING & CREATIVITY. Offering workshops, out-tings, informal social nights, special interest groups, talks and activities for women to share and enjoy; Sustainable Living, Health & Well-being, Pottery, Arts & Crafts, Basic Mechanics, Woodworking, First Aid, Financial Advising’. Karen Bessell, Founder of The Gap She Shed. Started in 2019 as a networking group to bring connectivity amongst the community. By April 2021 with over 1,200 Facebook community members, looking at incorporating in 2021. Website all enquiries email
Coolum Women’s Shed (Qld) 2018* Building community amongst women of the Sunshine Coast. Open Tues & Thur s to all adult women: some evenings and weekend activities: currently approx. 300 members. Facebook: Main Shed activities pilates, yoga & meditation, arts & crafts, vocal  & guitar groups, walking , gardening DIY. Shed Contact Nell Harvey or Monita Griffiths: , Web . Currently hiring space from a Men’s Shed (26 Research Street, Coolum Beach Queensland 4573), looking for own space. Update as below, 3 May 2022 from Nell Harvey:The Coolum Women’s Shed is running well entering our 4th year and running a range of activities from wood working to camping and kayaking. We are not open set hours, but people can access a calendar and book from our website – booking is essential as places are limited. In 2021 we established a private facebook group called ‘ The Australian Women’s Shed Community’ which was set up to allow women all over Australia to connect and help each other in the establishment of Women’s Sheds. Our 538 members consist of members of existing sheds as well as women looking for guidance in how to set up a women’s shed locally. There are a variety of structures:
* Women’s sheds formed with support from local Men’s Sheds (eg access on separate days)
* Shedless Women’s Sheds – groups of women seeking a space to use.
* Council supported Women’s Sheds – where staff, space, structure and activities are provided at low cost or free by local councils.
* Independent Women’s Sheds – where women have set up their own structure and negotiated a space to use on a permanent or semi permanent basis.

Most Women’s Sheds are non-profit organisations, some are registered charities.

In order to separate the Australian Women’s Shed Community from Coolum Women’s Shed, in April 2022 we set up a Facebook Page as a public facing page to share general information about Australian Women’s Sheds. We will be continuing to use this page to promote the value of Australian Women’s Sheds to stakeholders and the general public. We have directed people to your database and have also started a directory of Women’s Sheds so that we can begin to gather data and produce information that supports women’s sheds.

Private group to connect with other sheddies :

Public Facebook page :

More information, access to some shared resources and shed directory form :

Email for our group :

[3 May 2022]

Noosa Women’s Shed(Queensland) 2017* Held an information session and AGM 27 Oct 2019 &  AGM 15 Nov 2020, Tewantin CWA Hall, Website ‘ Incorporated in September 2018, the Noosa Women’s Shed is all about what local women want to achieve, whether it is how to use a drill, how to fix a tap or upholster a chair! We encourage all members to have a say in what is shared at the shed.’ Best email contact is Update in July 2021 from Fiona McComb: ‘We have not yet found a shed home and seem to be largely like the stats you mention on your website! Lots of initial interest that has dropped off due to no shed. We are in caretaker mode at the moment, not running many events, great committee and publicly seeking support for a shed of some kind in Noosa, temporary or permanent’.Update May 2022 from Robyn Saunders, ‘the new President of NWS after Fiona sadly passed away in October 2021. I am currently holding discussions with different community-based organisations and local councils as we attempt to become more active, while we all learn to live in the new normal of “COVID”. We have recently applied to Noosa Council for a grant to purchase a secure trailer kitted out with tools to empower and support women in the Noosa Shire and surrounds. With the Noosa Men’s Shed generously assisting us to gain the skills necessary, we intend to help members and women in the community become more confident fixing and maintaining their homes. While we continue to seek our own secure shed space, we feel the trailer will enable us to “take the tools to the women” in the interim. We currently do what we can in our temporary meeting space at 1 Ferrells Rd Cooroy (Cooroy Village) Qld. Activities such as learning how to find electrical cables & studs within a wall space, how to make native bee hotels (BeeNB 🐝😊), how to change cupboard hinges and assemble flatpacks. I am hopeful discussions in the next few weeks will be positive and I will be able to send more good news about a more permanent location/cohabitation for Noosa Women’s Shed. Best email contact Robyn Saunders [May 2022]
Bramble Bay Women’s Shed On the coast just north of Brisbane: awaiting more information and contact details from organisers in Feb 2022
Granite Belt Ladies Shed (locally known as the ‘She Hive’) late 2020 * Glenda Riley, Founder/President, Granite Belt Community Assist Group Inc
GB Ladies Shed P: 0459 447 595 provided the following in May 2022:
Established in late 2020 as a response to the isolation and social needs of the women experiencing drought, bushfire and latterly pandemic stressors.
Located in Stanthorpe, Queensland we are currently based at Fred Rogers Recreation Camp, Storm King (10kms outside the town) – an 8 acre waterfront property we lease from the local council. With access to several buildings, we can offer a large range of activities and workshops in a safe inclusive space.

As a registered charity, we are a self-funded group for now, however we are exploring other options of income with branded artisan products and fundraising in the community.
We support our local community through fundraising for other groups and involvement as a group in local events. Open 2 days a week, with an option of a 3rd day in 2023 (depending on demand) we offer an affordable membership and social space where everyone is welcome.

Our member base has a diverse range of interests that we address through our Social Connections, Creative Actions, Knowledge and Wellness programs. Using a creative range of activities and interests, we empower and enable our women to become stronger, independent and socially active by having a safe and inclusive space to come to. They gain confidence and connections through the support of their peers. The list of activities for 2022 include art classes, textiles, mosaics, gardening, sustainable living practices, NIA classes, adult and Computer literacy, cyber safety, outings to local businesses and wineries, food safety, First Aid, Small furniture Restoration, Games days where we explore our inner child, hosting High Teas and a major fundraiser that will involve the community. We offer a starting place for new residents looking for new friends, and a network of like minded women to share their knowledge and interests with. While our active member base is relative small, we actively recruit members through regular awareness campaigns in local media including radio and support from council. ( The Granite Belt has a population of about 12,000 people and we are competing with a large number of small special interest groups). Our focus is on community led, solution focused peer support activities and workshops that are directed to the members interests and need of knowledge.
Enquiries: [May 2022]


South Australia (2 Sheds)

Playford Women’s Shed (Davoren Park, SA)


Nov 2019* FACEBOOK,  Old Para West Adult Campus, Founder & Contact Raelene Wlochowicz 0409576003, .  ‘I began trying to find where women could meet and share experiences and skills, make new friendships and remain active. Originally open only 3 days a week, now open Mon- Fri, 10am to 4pm. Committee meets once a month but to begin with we met once a fortnight as we began to set up all the underlying processes and procedures. We provide classes in a wide range of activities from cooking, crafts, art, gardening and woodwork. We have an OP [Opportunity] Shop for members and we provide emergency provisions (clothes, bedding and food) for domestic violence victims and homeless women and those that are struggling to make ends meet. Each day different women prepare a meal that has a small cost attached. We connected to a food distribution program and distribute to a number of other community programs and a local Primary school. We have just begun working with a local film maker who is helping us create a 15 minute film of our Shed and those who make up its members. This will be released next year at the annual SAGA Adelaide International Women’s Film Festival here in Adelaide.’ This Shed included as a case study in Barry Golding’s 2021 book.
Ladies Shed (Elizabeth House, Christie Downs) 30 June 2014 * The ‘Woodwork Shed’ at Elizabeth House Positive Ageing Centre, 112 Elizabeth Road, Christie Downs, SA. was begun in 2002, now run by the City of Onkaparinga, including programs for people with acquired brain injury (Mon & Wed) and for frail older men, some of whom have memory loss (Tues & Thurs). On 30 June 2014 it began a Ladies Shed program. In 2020, Fridays is the Ladies Shed program day, when the ladies wear pink high vis vests. Contact person: Lui Di Venuto, Team Leader, Active Ageing and Disability Programs, Community Capacity. Elizabeth House Phone (08) 83845170. . ‘ It began with a group of women who had completed a furniture construction foundation course at the Christies Beach High School and then had nowhere to practice their skills and approached Elizabeth House for some support’. [May 2022]

Western Australia (5 Sheds) see ‘Women’s Shed WA Network’ site on FACEBOOK

North Coastal Women’s Shed (Yanchep & The Rocks, WA)  * Women of all ages, fostering health and wellbeing: FACEBOOK  Contact Lyn Haast  0430647071,  Mon & Thurs 9-2, Jenolan Way Community Centre.
Rockingham Women’s Shed (WA) Being developed Feb 2020 * Kelly Clear, key proponent. ,.
Perth Women’s Shed (Stirling, WA) # 2019* The ‘Women Working with Wood Association’ currently operates from the Stirling Community Men’s Shed; 12 month pilot: Awaiting email contact. ABC Perth article 6 Feb 2020: [For] young boys, it was a rite of passage, to go to the shed with your dad or uncle or grandfather and they would teach you the tools — girls didn’t get that opportunity.”
More than 2,500 women have shown interest in attending new classes on car maintenance, basic plumbing and furniture restoration at one of the first women’s sheds in WA at Innaloo Bowling Club in Perth’s north. “Not all of us can rely on the fellow down the road or our brother in law or an uncle, so we want to be able to do these things ourselves,” organiser Carol Huish said. Operates from Innaloo Bowling Club. MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
 Merriwa & Ellenbrook Women’s Shed (20 km NE of Perth. (WA)  Inaugural meeting June 2019, Under construction 2020 *  Mission to Empower Women’: MISSING CONTACT DETAIL

Victoria (9 Sheds)

Women’s Shed Seymour (Vic) Open 1 June 2016* ‘Somewhere safe and warm for women to go, have a cuppa, chat and share skills’: Amanda 0431193204 Dale  0408035741 open every Wed, Seymour Presbyterian Church Hall.
Women’s Shed of Victoria (Vic): Organisation, not a Shed? Incorporated Association (13 May 2016) via Broadford Community Centre, Twitter @womensshedvic MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
The Frankston Centre Women’s Shed  (Vic) December 2016 * Orwil Street Community House: Georgina Portelli Coordinator, MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Women’s Sharing Shed (Torquay, Vic) 2016* Active but closed during COVID Reopened  2021 ‘An inclusive, safe and welcoming environment where knowledge and ideas are respectfully shared’ Facebook @womenssharingshedtorquay. Phone  0421995684,  Kath Kidd (Founder & Coordinator). ‘The Women’s Sharing Shed Torquay offers a place to meet other like-minded women to share wisdom, experience and a cuppa. Women of all ages can come along to learn traditional and non-traditional skills, perhaps work on their own project of their choosing, contribute to a shared project or maybe sit around the table and share stories, anecdotes and support each other. There is no pressure or expectations. Be who you want to be, just be. Workshops are regularly held off and on site as well as Shed members meeting every week at the Shed’. MISSING EMAIL ADDRESS
Creswick Women’s Shed (Vic) 2022* operating Wednesdays from 10am at the Creswick Men’s Shed, above Botanical Lake: awaiting more information. [May 2022]
Hills She Shed, Emerald (Vic) 2016 * FACEBOOK, MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Healesville Women’s Shed(Vic) Course not Shed An ‘introduction to carpentry’, one term course of approx. 8-9 weeks offered in two big sheds with a trainer, through Healesville Living and Learning Centre,
Lilydale Women’s Shed(Vic)

Event only

‘NOT a Women’s Shed’

FACEBOOK, Mt Evelyn Community House , Nicky Condell, Manager: , 03 97361177. ‘We ran the Lilydale Women’s Shed event as part of the Mt Evelyn Community House, a day to engage with women in our local community in partnership with Yarra Ranges Council. We don’t currently have an active Women’s Shed. However we do run many workshops and classes that women who had engaged on the day attend. We run a variety of classes including, art, craft, social group, women’s health workshops, colouring social group, Girls night in, International Women’s Day event, cooking workshops , Yoga and Tai Chi social groups on social media. We are still looking at ways to run a Women’s Shed in our community’.
The Women’s Shed, Mount Martha (Vic) approx 2010* Merrilyn Wiley, Coordinator, , 03 59744072, ‘Time out for women of all ages’, ‘We started approximately 20 years ago in Mornington Victoria Australia. It was originally called ‘Kit Kat’, as the aim was to provide a time out for mums with pre-schoolers. This caused a problem as the name was already patented   We ran a competition among the women to come up with a name, that still represented our image, Hence The Woman’s Shed. Our image underwent a big change 10 years ago when we found mums of pre-schoolers had a lot of other options and we found more and more couple retiring down our way and the need changed to older women.  We are still going today. We meet every Wed from 9.30-1130am  in school term. Our program is planned for the whole term and includes speakers on relevant topics, crafts etc. We average about 20 woman each week, ages ranging from 50 – 90. One of our main aims is to offer friendship and a support system for our women that some. Also we try to get our speaker and workshops to deal with issues our women are facing.‘
The She Shed (Ocean Grove, Vic) NOT ESTABLISHED FACEBOOK, Aim 2019  ‘Connect, learn, grow, share, heal, cry, laugh, be’. Not proceeded with or established.
Shepparton Women’s Shed Association (Vic) * FACEBOOK, 03 58215770, social club in Shepparton North;  address 10-14 Parkside Drive, MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
 “Kookaburra Girls” Shed (Werribee) (Vic) 2017 * Hosted by Wyndham Park Community Centre, Werribee Community Shed FACEBOOK 03 87426448 LM, held Open Shed Day with Werribee Men’s Shed Sept 2017 MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Castlemaine Women’s Shed (Vic) FACEBOOK, an idea, late 2019, MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Torquay Women’s Shed active in 2022 Cindy Powers reports in Feb 2022 that ‘the Torquay Women’s Shed is currently auspices by the Torquay Community House but it is going to incorporate soon. contact via Torquay Community House, 14 Price Street, Torquay, Victoria 3228. 03 5261 2583 or Cindy Powers 0437620450. MISSING EMAIL CONTACT
Beechworth Women’s Shed (Vic) Incorporated Association since 2017* Facebook . Contact Margy Barwood, President: ‘We have struggled for recognition since our incorporation in Feb 2017. Our main problem is acquiring a public space to meet & work. For over 2 years I have given the members free space in my private garage. If our council for the Indigo Shire, Victoria was more supportive our Shed would grow 10 fold without doubt. Our local  Men’s Shed has their own space and receives ongoing support. Not so with our Women’s Shed. The men also refuse to allow us access to their space. We have our equipment, tools etc but no community space to invite new members. I find it difficult to receive complete strangers on my property for security reasons. The response for Council assistance to date has been ignored other than a very small, shared space we tried for about 5 months. It did not work as we could not leave our equipment out. All of our furniture, tool boxes, fold up tables & consumables had to locked away after every workshop into a very tiny toilet & wash area that was not even big enough to get a wheel chair in. Our members are mainly seniors some with disabilities and this was beyond us. Rather than create conflict in our small town we moved everything out of the 1950’s building and carted it all to my private garage. My driveway is very steep so it is not age friendly. This has worked as a temporary solution but we are on the look out for a more suitable space. Whilst it is our desire to grow our Association, we now have to be realistic to each other and ask if it is worth continuing.’ Original aim ‘Up cycle, DIY & creative projects designed to foster kinship with local women for social fulfilment. BWS promotes self-dependence, confidence and resilience within our rapidly changing environment’.
Tasmania (1) 
Central Coast Community Shed: Ladies Group (Ulverstone) (Tasmania) Ladies only group in Community Shed: INCLUDED AS A Tasmanian Men’s Shed CASE STUDY IN ‘AUSTRALIAN MEN’S SHED’, Book Chapter,  Shoulder to Shoulder: Broadening the Men’s Shed Movement‘ Book, 2021 * FACEBOOK, Tues 1-3, Melissa Budgeon 03 94298959,   An afternoon for ladies of any age, improve skills and knowledge in woodworking, learn to use tools and machinery correctly/safely, try a small project – work up something bigger; fun. friendly and informative program just for Ladies’.


Name of Shed (Location) Established Publicly available information
 Sheila’s in the Shed, Kawerau (Bay of Plenty) 2017 * FACEBOOK, 10 Aug 2017, Founders Tracey & Anne ‘believe the disposable economy we live in can’t sustain itself and want the Sheilas’ Shed to be not only a creative hub, but also a place where people can learn to make life easier for themselves by learning new skills. Was operating from the founders’ homes, a funding application had been submitted and, if successful, would allow the Sheila’s Shed to set up shop in Kawerau’s old Post Office building’. Had open day March 2018 at  2  Ranfurly Court (old PO) Listed under ‘Groups & clubs in Kawerau’, for updated details contact Kawerau
DIY Shed, Central Rotorua 7-11 Dinsdale Street, Mangakakahi, Rotorua 3015 [Originally established as ‘Women’s Shed Rotorua’], 2017*; Proposed start of ‘DIY Shed Rotorua,’ 23 Jan 2021 Formerly known as ‘Women’s Shed Rotorua’, but moved away from using ‘Women’ in the name to DIY Sheds, because of unhelpful comparisons that can be made between ‘Women’s Sheds’ and ‘Men’s Sheds. Set up by DIY Shed Aotearoa Charitable Trust: a national body whose primary role is to support building sheds to serve their communities well.” Contact – Jocelyn Jacobs (Founder & Chairperson) Email

UPDATE from Jocelyn Jacobs, August 2022: ‘Our direction has changed and we’ve become more inclusive, accepting women and men 15 years and older. We’ve had a lot of interest from community groups looking for programs like ours for their clients in Rotorua and Tauranga. And all of these community groups have approached the Mens Sheds being turned away or their clients who were allowed to go felt unwelcome.

Rotorua – we’re looking for another building with a proposed move in date 01 November with the potential to be open 5 – 6 days a week offering separate sessions for women, men, mixed or specialist groups.

Taurangawe’ve been at the Tauranga Mens Shed for three months Monday and Tuesday nights building our profile and membership during the hours when the men aren’t there. Again the same potential as in Rotorua working with community groups and locals using a purpose building serving the wider community.

[Update 22 Aug 2022]

DIY Shed, Tauranga DIY Shed, Tauranga Proposed Start, 13 February 2021 *Proposed second Shed established by DIY Shed Aotearoa Charitable Trust, see above:. Contact -Jocelyn Jacobs (Founder & Chairperson),
Proposed Start, 13 February 2021 * Proposed second Shed established by DIY Shed Aotearoa Charitable Trust, see Aug 2022 update, above. Contact -Jocelyn Jacobs (Founder & Chairperson),
ALSO IN NZ:Womenz Shed Central Auckland, started 2022 supported by Auckland Central Community Shed. Updated June 2022 contacts: web:; ig.  womenzshed; fb.
m.  027 375 9662. ‘Our first workshop, called ‘An Introduction to the Wood Workshop’, began in March 2022 – it’s a series of 5 x 2 hour workshops held over 5 weeks. Our women instructors run workshops rather than just a Membership program as we’ve found many women haven’t had the same opportunity as men to learn and often lack the confidence to have a go with a project without support.
WomenzShed runs separately to, but within the premises of, Auckland Central Community Shed who lease the building from Auckland Council. Whilst the community Shed also has women members (this was a requirement of their lease), not all women want to work alongside men and so a women only space helps to fill that need. The Shed premises have a large well equipped wood workshop as well as an engineering workshop, welding shop and technical room. There is also an office space and fully equipped kitchen. The organisation is a not-for-profit and we are working on the Trust Deed to make it a registered charity. This is important to help with funding and sponsorship. We aim to be self-sustaining. Our instructors are paid for from workshop income and we aim to hire a part-time administrator so the Trustees can concentrate on growing the Charity.Our initial focus is workshop provision and a Membership base aimed at women in all stages of their lives. Our future plans include being able to support women interested in going into trades (school leavers and career changers) and tiny house workshops. We are also keen to collaborate with other women’s sheds and support new ones to be established. [June 2022]
Thames Menz & Women Shed created June 2021: awaiting further information [May 2022]

What year did Women’s Sheds start in Australia?

  • The first three Australian Women’s Sheds opened around the same time in 2010.
  • For those 51  Sheds with evidence of a start or opening date, 36 (71%) were opened in the four year period between 2016 and 2019.
  • 3 were opened in 2010 (June, Karuah, NSW; July: Forster, NSW; Mount Martha, Victoria,  ‘approx 2010’
  • none were opened in 2011 or 2012
  • 3 were opened in 2013
  • 3 were opened in 2014
  • 4 were opened in 2015
  • 7 were opened in 2016
  • 12 were opened in 2017
  • 8 were opened in 2018
  • 9 were opened in 2019
  • 2 were opened in 2020
  • Only one appears to have since permanently closed (Forster in 2014).


(27 Women’s Sheds on the list; 20 likely open in 2022: 6 permanently closed in Nov 2021)

Name of Shed (County) Established(*= open in 2022) Publicly available information [when updated]
Beara Women’s Shed (Allihies, West Cork) 2018

CLOSED Dec 2021

 Contact: Ger Scully, Shed Secretary, . Established in the winter of 2018; invited by Allihies Men’s Shed to share their facilities and premises. The community here is rural, and with a very low population widely distributed. So a small group of local women set up weekly Meetings of Beara Women’s Shed to try to bring folk together. A mixed group of people are involved . Around 14 was the maximum attendance and all age groups and walks of life have been involved. After meeting at the shed over a period of a few months it was clear to see that everyone wished to participate in all kinds of workshops & so the ETB (Educational Training Board) were contacted and workshop dates were confirmed. To date the group have participated in workshops such as woodturning, basket making, and many other activities. Last year the group made up a selection of hanging baskets and window boxes and sold them locally to raise funds for their insurance. Beara Women’s Shed ethos is quite simple: ‘It is a place for women on the Beara Peninsula to socialise together, chat & share their skills in a supportive environment. It’s a space where women will feel welcome, encouraged by each other & inspired to develop, learn and share new skills in a range of arts & crafts. The Womens Shed also strives to be environmentally conscious & sustainable with a focus on utilising recycled materials’ .
We hope to reconvene after restrictions are lifted and continue with some projects , Gardening, walking and some more craftworks . For further details see our  Facebook page ‘Beara Womens Shed’. Update 3 Dec 2021 on Facebook: ‘We failed to form a new committee at the meeting this week . So consequently the women’s shed is closing’ [May 2022]
Midleton Women’s Shed (Cork) July 2019* Midleton Women’s Shed was established in 2019 in the summer, in the local community garden and we had our first meet ups in the big potting Shed. Initially we had 13 members and then up to 40 in the peak but regularly about 15 to 20 active members on weekly and sometimes twice a week meet ups. The aims of the group was to create safe and friendly space for women to meet up, exchange knowledge and skills and learn new ones throughout organized workshops that we had many over the time (tai chi, horticulture, confidence coaching, mindfulness, NIA dance, fermentation workshops, nature and art therapy and others). We still operate but due to the current situation our numbers are low – 9 members active on the whattsapp group, and only about 4 or 5 members coming to the meetings when the restrictions allow us to, and usually we have them outdoors. Our recent activities were forest school course, labyrinth building, mandala making, sound baths, NIA dance, calisthenics. We are active on social media nearly every day, supporting each other and exchanging our knowledge and skills only if we can. I’m the coordinator of our group at the moment and my details are: Magda Swierczek:  0892350238
‘I’d like to say that it’s been a life saver to be part of this group to myself and some other group members over the time since we operate and especially since the difficult times occurred due to Covid. The support is really amazing among our group. We also helped other groups to get their Shed started  in their communities.’ Update on Facebook page Shed open in 2022 [May 2022]
Mná na nDéise / Ennis Women’s Shed (Clare) 2016


FACEBOOK ‘Fifth in the world, 1st in Europe’, closed in 2017, ‘ask not what you can do for your shed, but what your shed can do for you’. Mná na nDéise was only open for about 9 months and operated out of the Men’s Shed. Closed permanently when the men had to move to another premises. Facebook page still posting while closed [May 20220
Castlebar Women’s Shed (Mayo) 2016* FACEBOOK: At Le Cheile Family Resource Centre; active to 2020, meets Mon & Wed: +353 85 7296458. FACEBOOK: Opened in 2016. Monday, Wednesday and Saturday from 1pm – 5pm St Vincent De Paul premises, Pavilion Road, Castlebar. Active until Covid. Temporarily closed early 2021 restarted when Covid restrictions lifted. The aim of shed is to promote social interaction and increase the quality of life and improve the overall wellbeing of all involved in the shed. Women are encouraged to learn new skills or if they have a skill, to share it, have fun while doing so and make good friends in the process. Castlebar Women’s Shed was set up for women of all ages to re-connect with the community. It is a safe place where women can interact with each other and participate in various learning projects. We offer arts and crafts, flower arranging, crochet and needle skills, and most importantly companionship’. 10 members.
T: +353 85 729 6458 2022 Update: no recent activity on Facebook [May 2022]
Oasis Breffni Women’s Shed (Carrick-on-Shannon, Leitrim) June 2017* FACEBOOK: OASIS  open to ladies of all ages and meets every Friday, from 10am to 1pm, at Breffni Family Resource Centre in Carrick-on-Shannon. Activities are varied and include woodwork, pyrography, crafts, basic car maintenance, gardening, DIY, therapies, flower arranging and much more. A light lunch is provided each week. Oasis has 119 members. Tel: Suzanne at 071-9622566 Mobile: 086-0737454 2022 Update: no recent activity of Facebook MISSING EMAIL DETAIL & CONFIRMATION OF CURRENT STATUS [May 2022]
New Ross Women’s Shed (Wexford) 2016


FACEBOOK: closed in 2017 because they were not getting enough support to keep the Shed running.
Greencastle Community Women’s Shed (Donegal) 2020* Opened in 2020 and they were just starting to gather interest to see what content people wanted, day or evening etc., when Covid happened. When Covid restrictions lifted, the group continued meeting at the Community Centre in Greencastle. The activities pursued in the Shed are defined by what the people want, but will involve courses and social activities. Contact Susan McAteer,  Manager. Greencastle Community Centre.  T: 0749381054 [Nov 2021]
Rosses Women’s Shed / Sciobol Ban na Rosann (Donegal) Funded 2019* Active to 2020. Awaiting further information on aims of Shed, number of members etc  .Contact: Ann Marie O’Donnell: Cois Locha Community Centre, Gweedore Road, Dungloe Contact details: m: 0861583147 E:
Cró na bhFear Maighcuilinn  Women’s Shed (Galway) CLOSED *This shed used to operate from the same building as the Men’s Shed (Cró na bhFear Maighcuilinn), but the Men’s Shed did think it would be possible to share a space with the women. They were concerned that sharing the workspace might cause tensions. They also thought if was not a good idea for insurance purposes. It was decided that it was better for the women to open up their own shed in the same building and not to share equipment. When the Men’s Shed (Cró na bhFear Maighcuilinn) had to move. premises , the Women’s Shed stayed but they never thrived after that and closed shortly thereafter.
Tomhaggard Women’s Shed (Wexford)


2015* Tomhaggard Women’s Shed TWS opened in June 2015. They have a membership of 48 ladies. The main body of women meet on Monday mornings from 10am -1pm. Women with specific interests meet at other times during the week and on a Monday (creative writing group, sewing group, art class, yoga, clay moulding). All these activities were ongoing until March 2020 when the country went into lockdown during which members were in constant contact through Zoom and WhatsApp . Open 4 days a week by Nov 2021 with varying activities but only 60 per cent returning because of nervousness about group meetings. The main aims of the group are to provide a space for women in a very rural area to meet and socialise with each other, many of whom are neighbours and have been all their lives but have never had an opportunity to sit and chat and get to know each other properly. The committee try to provide a wide variety of activities, including having guest speakers pertaining to but not always about women’s issues, Amnesty International, Women’s Refuge, Pieta House to mention but a few. We also like to entertain other groups to learn from each other and share our interests. They have classes in everything from clay moulding ,art, sewing, quilling, yoga, tai chi, gardening, mosaics stained glass. The Women decide what they would like to try and the committee endeavour to find a tutor to facilitate their interests. Contact: Angela Byrn, Chairperson,  E: This Shed is included as a case study in Barry Golding’s 2021 book. [Nov 2021]
Women’s Shed Cooley (Louth) 2015

CLOSED in 2017

FACEBOOK On the Cooley Peninsua, Cooley Sports Complex, Tuesdays 7.30pm, no longer operating
Third Space Galway Women’s Shed (Galway) 2019 Received €1,542 in 2019 under the CEP fund to ‘Purchase of ICT equipment for use by the women’s shed in the delivery of a range of services’ MISSING CONTACT DETAILS
Strokestown Women’s Shed (Roscommon)


Aug 2018* Created Aug 2018 to bring women together, share skills and combat isolation. In November 2019, they had plans to connect with other Women’s Sheds. They had 88 active members to 2020, Tuesdays 2pm. Contact Chairperson Julia Goodwin 0872222704 [Nov 2021]
 Edenderry Women’s Shed (Offaly) INCLUDED AS A CASE STUDY IN ‘WOMEN’S SHED WORLDWIDE’ BOOK CHAPTER, (Golding & Carragher, 2021, pp. 334-5) 2016* FACEBOOK: to be part of a group to share and learn crafts, art. DIY, personal development, Meets Fridays, active to 2020, awaiting email address & more information. On a weekly basis, different community groups use the Edenderry Community Cabin, including Edenderry Women’s Shed.  Contact Niamh McKernan, Offaly Local Development Company E: . Included as a case study in Barry Golding’s 2021 book. [Nov 2021]
Dunboyne Women’s Shed (Meath) ?* FACEBOOK Aims ‘to rekindle friendships, spark up new ones and there might be a cup of tea thrown in for good measure’. The group met in Dunboyne Community Centre. Temporarily closed during Covid. Contact Margaret 00353852126277 MISSING EMAIL CONTACT; 2022 update: activity obvious on Facebook Open Fridays 10am-12 midday, Oak Centre, Dunborne [May 2022]
Deise Women’s Shed (Dungarven, Waterford) 2019* FACEBOOK: Our mission is to provide a forum where women can come together regularly to share skills, have a chat and socialise with other members. We also engage with community programmes and activities
‘180 women, the biggest such group in the country’, ‘set up to combat rural and social isolation’: Temporarily closed due to Covid early 2021,Contact: Denise Flynn E: E: T: +353 87 985 3716 2022 update: plenty of activity in 2022 reported via Facebook [May 2022]
Ballina Women’s Heritage Shed (Mayo) May 2016 FACEBOOK: Provide a welcoming positive environment for the women of Ballina & surrounding areas to meet and connect with each other, to share ideas and learn new skills, foster new friendships, participate in a range of activities and promote positive health and wellbeing. The group meets every Wednesday from 7pm to 9pm in the Ballina Training Centre, Mercy Road, Ballina. TE:  T:+353 85 2732551 2022 update: no evident activity on Facebook site since mid 2018 [May 2022]
Women’s Shed Belleek (Fermanagh) ?* FACEBOOK: Ladies 18+ in the Belleek area meet on a Tuesday night 7.30-9pm at Belleek Community Centre (playgroup building) to participate in various activities, ‘drink tea, eat cake, learn new skills & have a laugh’. In Nov 2021 holding teaching sessions led by hired tutors or group members: often handicrafts such as embroidery, crochet, knotting. Also women’s wellbeing sessions or physical activity such as tai chi, yoga, mindfulness, taster sessions. Cooperate with Belleek Men’s Shed on community actions such as fundrasing for charity E: Jan Corrie Secretary 02868659799 [Nov 2021]
Dublin’s First Women’s Shed Open 2014 CLOSED 2015 NO OTHER INFO AVAILABLE
Rosslare Women’s Shed (Wexford) Commenced mid 2010s, CLOSED . Met on Wednesday 10.30 a.m. to 12.30 p.m. Contact: Jackie 087 6468677 or Paula 086 7870696 MISSING OTHER DETAIL
The Hen’s Shed, Kircubben (County Down, NI) ?* ‘Forget Men’s Shed, we have Hen’s Shed. Meeting up weekly to meet new people, socialise and have fun. You will build confidence and improve your mental health and wellbeing. Meet weekly at Kircubbin Community Centre, spin room every Tuesday. Activities include: arts and crafts, gardening, flower arranging, boccia and bingo’. T: 004428 427 39021. No update to Facebook site since March 2020 [Nov 2021]
 Kilcommon Women’s Shed (Tipperary) ?* Meets every Thursday at Teach Greannai at 7pm. Activities include gardening, woodwork, crafts, computer skills and DIY. The Women’s Shed running on the same principles as the Men’s Shed as non-profit organisations, to advise and improve the overall wellbeing of all women Teach Greannai E:
The Hen’s Shed, (Richill, Armagh NI) ?* The Hens’ Shed is located on Main Street Richhill Co Armagh. As a nod to the Men’s Shed organisation, where men meet and socialise, the Hens are also involved in craft work – plate decorating, crochet, sewing, glass decoration and paper art to name but a few skills being practised; eventually they want to establish an enterprise to sell the products they make.
Although open all week, they meet together every Wednesday afternoon to take advantage of the wellbeing room for massage, reflexology, salt therapy and nail art. There’s a healthy connection between the two Sheds: the women paint and decorate for the men, the men create wooden pieces such as tables and benches for the ladies. The Hen’s Shed is designed to help women experiencing mental health issues, a lack of confidence or low self-esteem Contact: Shirley Agnew
Sallins Women’s Shed, Kildare 2019* Kildare’s very first women’s shed. Sallins Women’s Shed was formed in 2019 to bring local women together for personal development and mutual support. Before COVID-19, meetings took place twice a week and a real buzz was building around the first women’s shed in County Kildare. During COVID-19, workshops were provided free and delivered via Zoom. The members continue to stay in touch and hope to get back to face-to-face meetings soon. Total members: 263. Contact .
Drumlish Ballinamuck Women’s Shed, Longford 2019* There is limited evidence available for this shed, but it is likely that it operates from Drumlish Men’s Shed. Their Facebook page notes, it is a “community group which welcomes women of all ages and nationalities. We offer a safe and inviting atmosphere for all women to get together where they can share and improve skills.” Plenty of activity in 2022 on its Facebook site [May 2022]
 Mna Ag Gaire Ennis Women’s Shed (Clare) 2020* Mná Ag Gaire Ennis Women’s Shed was established in June 2020. At the beginning of the pandemic when it became obvious that nursing homes were having great difficulty in access PPE a call was put out to women of Clare to help producing scrubs and face masks. 50 women responded to the call and 13 care facilities in the area were subsequently supplied with PPE. During this time the social isolation that women were experiencing became apparent and the general consensus from the women was that they enjoyed being part of a big group and wanted to continue. To early 2021 are still operating online only, due to Covid. Mná Ag Gaire currently has 205 members. They have a physical location in Tracklands Business Park in Ennis that is currently used for storage and HQ activities only, they are hoping to have a big opening when covid restrictions allow are lifted. The main aims of Mná Ag Gaire are to provide a place to meet, share skills and combat loneliness for all women in Ennis, Co. Clare. Their mission is to ‘actively address social issues that affect women including poverty, inequality, discrimination, social exclusion by increasing their knowledge, skills, consciousness and confidence through our unique concept of combining a digital learning hub with a creative community space.’ Contact: Katharina Kruger and Hilary Tonge  0857563834 / 0872835769
private member group:
Instagram & Twitter @mnaaggaire
TNMT) Hens’ Shed (Derry, NI) Launched Sept 2021* The Triax Neighbourhood Management Team (TNMT) Hens’ Shed is located in Derry/Londonderry, Northern Ireland. Hen’s Sheds is a new and exciting project for all ages and will be an opportunity for local women to learn new skills, meet new people, socialize and have fun. Employment, upcycling and decorating, volunteering opportunities.  You decide!  The Hen’s Shed launched on 23rd September 2021.Register at the coffee morning or at our website  For further information contact or phone 028 71261916.  [Oct 2021]

Table 4: UK 

(29 UK Women’s Sheds on list: 24 most likely open in 2022)

Name of Shed (Location) Year Established (*= Open in 2022) Publicly available information [when updated]
Bellshill Women’s Shed (Uddingston, Glasgow, Scotland) 2018* Women’s DIY Workshop, Co-hosted by Bellshill Men’s Shed. FACEBOOK,  +44 7851 932293,Wed & Fri 11.30-2.30pm.
Whitby Women’s Shed (The She Shed) (North Yorkshire, England) Dec 2017* Whitby Women’s Shed is one of five sheds set up by Whitby District Sheds, a registered charity. All the sheds welcome women but two are specifically for women: Whitby Women’s Shed and Staithes Women’s Shed. Whitby Women’s Shed started about 5 months after Sleights Area Men’s Shed (SAMS) in 2016 when SAMS arranged a trial women’s workshop using the lathe.‘Nicknamed the “She Shed”, it was planned and organised over a 6 month period and has been operational since Dec. 2017. It has already had an impact on the outlook of individual She Shedders in a way very similar to that of SAMS with men. Reduced isolation, raised confidence, motivation and hope. Whitby Women’s Shed has been under the wing of SAMS, funded through Asda/RVS Shed Programme and Two Ridings Community Foundation. The plan is to transition to Shed Coordinators to oversee the She Shed day to day before a separate constitution and trustee body is set up. Expansion to two shed days a week is on the cards.’ Within the Shed, women take part in a range of activities including crafts such as knitting, as well as using the lathe, table saw, chop saw and joining in with whatever is going on. There are approximately seven women in Whitby Women’s Shed. They are aged 60+. They do not have any paid staff, only volunteers. Everyone pays £4 per session. This covers rental cost of the shed. The Shed closed in March 2021 due to Covid but members keep in touch via Zoom three times a week – twice for conversation and once for doing something things like cookery and quizzes. Contact: E: T: 07763656627
Sheffield She Shed (South Yorkshire, England) * Sheffield She Shed: Open Friday’s – 10am – 1pm – William Sutton Community Hall, 14 Dunella Road, Sheffield S6 4EG
She Shed Association:



Barnsley She Shed (South Yorkshire)

Launched 8 March 2017. (International Women’s Day) Open before COVID19*;  Targeting older women. Used as a women’s ‘maker place case study’ by Dr Busayawan Lam of Brunel University. Post about opening: . Contact: Sandra . The She Shed is a larger communal version of the typical shed in a garden. A place where women feel at home and pursue practical interests in company, with a high degree of autonomy. Hobbies shape women’s personalities, energise, inspire and connect them with other like-minded women. Expressing one’s creativity often ends up giving life its meaning. For women, there also seems to be a universal desire to express creativity. Women have an insatiable desire to shape order from chaos & to create things that never existed before. They want to produce magic with paints, wool & glass or create beauty with words and music.The She Shed Association is a communal place of skill-sharing & informal learning, of individual pursuits and community projects, of purpose, achievement & social interaction. It is a place of leisure, where women come together to engage in enjoyable activities. This avoids the challenges created by the sense of loneliness that affects especially older people who have been active all their lives & find it difficult to create new relationships in a world which is changing so quickly. Very strong association with the Barnsley Men’s Shed and Sheffield Men’s Shed, sharing the woodwork workshop facilities in Barnsley. The Sheds have  funding from the National Lottery Covid19 fund to pilot remote livestreaming of workshops. Also to purchase Facebook Portals to give out to Shedders, so they can participate remotely. The pilot started July 2020 and is due to be completed by Dec 2020. A SHED LIVESTREAMING DIARY will be available on the www.barnsleymensshed.orgwebsite as well as on the  linked to the main  website. Barnsley She Shed meets on Wednesday 11am – 3pm at The Depot, Worsbrough Community Park, Worsbrough, Barnsley, S704SB. Also meets Fri & Sat at The Studio, Worsbrough Mill, Barnsley S70 for paining, arts & crafts  Contact Sandra Tel: 07989 384 528. The She Shed Association was included as a Women’s Shed case study in Barry Golding’s 2021 ‘Shoulder to Shoulder’ book. [last updated Nov 2021]
Horndean Ladies Shed (Waterlooville, Hampshire, England) Closed Horndean Ladies Shed (now closed) used meet on Monday evenings and Friday afternoons in Waterlooville Hampshire PO8 9LJ. It was open to anyone in the Portsmouth area.Carol Smith, Previous Contact person, 0239 2597114. [Nov 2021]
Moss Side Women’s Shed (Manchester) Open* The Boiler House,, 15 members, Woodwork & furniture restoration, 9 Wilcock St Manchester M16 7DA, Mobile 07704549395; Phone 01614656954; Open Thurs 12.30-2.30pm: Shed Contact Laura Weaver  ‘Brings women together to learn & share new practical skills, empower & build confidence. Sessions focus mainly on woodwork & furniture restoration, but participants are free to bring their own interests & ideas to the group. Open to all – based in diverse Moss Side area. As only women attending, this encourages participation of women from many cultural and BAME [Black, Asian & Minority Ethnic] backgrounds. A Men’s Shed began on the site first: calls for a women’s equivalent encouraged women to open a Women’s Shed. ‘Our Women’s and Men’s Sheds are run by an experienced trainer, teaching practical skills, tool use and tool safety. We are able to support the continuation of the group through various grant funding.’ Awaiting response to email for further information.
Colwyn Bay She-Shed (Conwy, Wales) 9 Jan 2018*
Colwyn Bay She-Shed started on back of a Men’s Shed cancer morning in 2018, with a group of women developing am interest in attending the Shed. There was some opposition from some men in the Men’s Shed to the idea of women attending. As a compromise, to enable the women to use the Men’s Shed rooms and lathes etc., they offered the women a separate slot on a Monday evening. On Thursday morning 2-3 Men’s Shed members teach how to use the equipment and make items safely. They have between 6-12 women, aged 50+. They started Thursday evenings as a new venture of joint usage, with about 15 regular members, varying because of holidays, illness & work commitments. Although Colwyn Bay She-Shed  operates within the Men’s Shed, they are independent. They set up their own bank account, developed their own constitution, and they make all decisions about what to do and make. They are temporarily closed due to Covid-19 , but keeping in contact via technology. Ann Williams, Chairperson: MISSING CONTACT DETAILS [updated Nov 2021]
MissPlaces – Women’s Shed (Wigan, Manchester, England) * AWomen’s Sheds project, supporting women across the Wigan Borough, to be entrepreneurial and develop new skills. Projects include Art, Crafts, Homemaking skills (Knitting and Sewing), Gardening, DIY skills, amongst many. A place for Women to socialise and learn new skills, and reduce Women in Isolation. A chance to share skills and make products as part of the Made in Wigan project. It doesn’t matter what skill level you are at, we welcome any Women over 16 who would like to learn new skills. Funded via Wigan Councils& The Deal for Communities Investment Fund. Location: Platt Bridge Community Zone, 81 Ribble Road, Platt Bridge, Wigan WN2 5EGAmanda Robinson, Director,

07738114389 [Nov 2022]

The Sheds (Paisley, Scotland)*


Feb 2019* Janice MacNamara, reported in July 2020 that ‘the Women’s Shed is run out of Foxbar Youth Centre, Findhorn Avenue Paisley. The Men’s Shed had been running since Oct 2015, the Women’s Shed started as result of how well the Men’s Shed was doing & an identified need in the community. On 6 Feb 2020 the men’s & women’s sheds became “The Sheds”, still meeting on separate days, Mondays for men and Thursday for women although they will be involved together at times, e.g. for community events, skill sharing and learning, running of children’s summer camp and yearly Christmas parties. They have a constitution, a bank account and formed their own board of trustees and committee. As of February 2021 they will be applying for funding under The Sheds and will be self-sufficient. During Covid19 The Sheds stopped meeting but have a weekly Zoom meeting; also formed a Facebook page (The Sheds Foxbar) holding interesting conversations, sharing knowledge, learn and supporting each other. All men and women from Renfrewshire over 16 years can attend The Sheds, it is free to attend, tea, coffee & lunch provided along with a welcoming smile. Men Shed Monday 11-3.30;  Women Shed Thursday 11- 3.’ Walking group, every first Saturday of the month. Allotment members can attend anytime’. The women’s shed in 2021 was run by Deborah Hamilton, a volunteer with Foundations First, a housing support service run by Shelter Scotland with funding from the STV Children’s Appeal.  Ages from 16 up are welcome. MISSING CONTACT DETAILS [Nov 2021]
Aspire Ryde (Isle of Wight, England) * Come and learn new skills, use our tools and workshop to make items of your choice. Woodwork items you make, can be taken home or sold in the art gallery. Men only: Tuesdays, 10.30-3.30pm, Weds 10.30-1pm; People with additional needs: Wednesdays, 1-3pm; Women only: Fridays, 1pm-4pm; Woodwork, Women only Fri 1-4. Heath Monaghan (now CEO of Aspire Ryde), together with a local community group, took ownership of the Holy Trinity Church in Paisley in February 2014 and developed Aspire Ryde; a social hub for the local community, gain a feeling of belonging, regardless of gender, age, mental health or employment status. Aspire Ryde achieve this through delivering numerous music and creative arts groups, with a number of sessions dedicated to improving wellbeing a ‘Men in Sheds’ and ‘Women in Sheds’ group which encourage men and women to be useful with their hands. For example, through the refurbishment of donated bicycles, they build up friendships and provide peer support, which helps to reduce social isolation. Aspire Ryde also hires out areas within the hub for client meetings, parties and events, in addition to running a café and pop up restaurant; selling paint donated by manufacturers to other community groups or local members of the community; and selling donated furniture and bicycles refurbished by the Men in Sheds group. The business now sees around 2500 people utilising its services every week and turnover increased from around £20,000 in the first year to over £100,000 in 2016. MISSING CONTACT DETAILS [Nov 2021]
Gerald’s Room Duiss Shed (Duiss, South Norfolk) Open 2018* Gerald’s Room Diss, Norfolk IP22 4HG. ‘Men’s groups was operating, both daytime and evening. A women’s group was also operating and focusing on furniture upcycling. Adrian Roy  phone: +07938 005999 reported in July 2020 that the Diss Shed ‘had a group of women who were very keen to upcycle furniture and work on mainly wood related projects. They asked to use our facilities. The group ran for around two years on a Thursday morning. They enjoyed upcycling the furniture running alongside our sister project – a furniture bank, and worked on projects such as wooden toys, jigsaw puzzles, Christmas tree decorations etc. The main leader of the group had to step down due to ill health and the group stopped meeting around two years ago’. The women’s group stopped meeting separately in 2021, instead joining the Men’s Shed in 2021, but were interested in getting it running again. [Nov 2021]
Women’s Shed / Group (Swansea, South Wales) ? NO information. MISSING CONTACT DETAIL
Bolton Women in Sheds Project (Manchester, England) 2018  attempted to raise funds to start a women’s shed


In May 2018, Jean Urmston, a support worker from Bolton wrote, ‘Men in Sheds projects are a proven model in helping to bring about confidence, wellbeing and the learning of new and useful skills for men who are socially isolated. We have been asked by many women during the last year if there are going to be any Women in Sheds projects running in the local area, such has been the response from women that I have decided to meet this need by organising and running two weekly sessions in Bolton covering basic construction, food growing, make do and mend and furniture and clothing upcycling. Funds raised will be spent on construction tools, sowing machines, horticultural resources, session tutors. If successful we will run two weekly sessions over a one year period and will provide regular blogs and videos so people can watch the project develop.’
No other information: Shed presumed inactive. NO CONTACT DETAILS [Nov 2021]
Cockermouth Women in Sheds (Cumbria, England) * Women in Sheds 93 Main Street Cockermouth, Weekly Tuesdays 1.00pm-4.00pm. For more information contact Age UK: 01900 844680 Age UK: 01900 844680 Project Cumbria, England, FACEBOOK,
Winsford Women’s Shed (Norwich, England) 2019* A WOMEN in Sheds project has held its last session in Hartford (June 2019) ahead of a move to Winsford, where it will run for two sessions a week rather than one. The Age UK programme began as a six-month pilot in 2017 and went from strength to strength. It aimed to offer women opportunities of learning new skills and forming new friendships. The final official session was held in Hartford on Friday, although its members are now reaching out to the community to try and source funding to carry on independently.’ One member said: “We were only told three weeks ago with five weeks’ notice, so it was a complete shock to us “It’s a real shame. It’s such a good community spirit we have here “A lot of women have the same issues as men but a lot have additional carer responsibilities as well. They are isolated and the group really does make the difference. “If there is no alternative here in Hartford we really want to set up an independent community group for the Friday sessions – we don’t want to stop. “We would need some funding, and some help with running the sessions.” Another member added: “We are all very sad because some of us can’t get to Winsford – not all of us have the transport of the time to get there. It’s such a shame because it’s a little lifeline for a lot of members. “The Men in Sheds sessions at Hartford, held four days a week from Monday to Thursday, will continue unaffected. Lucy Welsh, from Age UK, said: “We set up Women in Sheds as a pilot in 2017 – we had a small avenue of funding to deliver sessions for the women on Fridays. “We have since opened a completely separate shed in Winsford, and the idea was always going to be that it would be two days a week in Winsford. “The provision is not disappearing, but rather moving from Norwich to Winsford and opening two days a week rather than one. “If the women want to come to Winsford then that’s great, but we would be really keen to support them to set up in their own right in Norwich in the future.” Anyone who can offer support or advice with funding for the existing Women in Sheds Hartford members can email: Further information from  [Nov 2021]
Leeds Women in Sheds Project, (West Yorkshire, England) ? MISSING INFO & CONTACT DETAILS
Penge Women in Sheds Project, (Bromley, London, England) 2014* Penge Shed, Kingsdale House, Kingsdale Road, Penge SE20 7PR. 3 Sheds, each supported by Age UK Bromley & Greenwich, and each of them have a women’s element. Penge open Wed & Thurs to both men & women; Eltham Shed for men on Tues & Thurs and for men on Wednesday. In Nov 2021 Woolwich Shed was closed due to COVID but planned to reopen. Men In Sheds Penge was set up in 2014 initially as one day a week; its popularity became immediately obvious. Now opened three days a week it’s a busy and vibrant environment, recognised by many as a valuable community resource. Mainly a wood workshop, commissions have ranged from a full size Tardis, elephants, reindeer, and a whole range of planters and benches. Members can work together on the various commissions, work on their own projects or just drink a cuppa and put the world to rights. For further 020 8294 3017. Two coordinators:  & [Nov 2021]
Tunbridge Wells Women’s Shed, (Kent, England) ? FACEBOOK,, MISSING CONTACT DETAIL. [Nov 2021]
Bromley & Greenwich Women’s Shed (London, England) 2018* Women in Sheds is a pilot initiative which started in 2018. Women over 50 are welcome to attend and learn woodworking. Planned activities include recycling second-hand materials into gardening containers, trugs, bird tables and boxes. Volunteers with an interest or experience in any of the following are welcome: sourcing recyclable items, woodwork, design, marketing or IT skills.  Any men or women aged over 50 and interested in joining Age UK Bromley and Greenwich’s Men in Sheds or pilot Women in Sheds groups can contact them at 020 8294 3013 Telephone: 020 8315 1878 Email: NEED MORE INFO: this may be part of Penge Shed, above.
Woolwich Women’s Shed (London, England) 2015* Woolwich Women’s Shed, YMCA Thames Gateway,
Antelope Road, The Dockyard (off Woolwich Church Street), Woolwich, SE18 5QG. Open Tuesday (Women in Sheds) and Wednesday 10:00 till 15:30 The Woolwich Men’s Shed opened in 2015 in the Woolwich Dockyard YMCA. Small but well equipped it is less industrial than the other sheds with the emphasis on craft based projects. Our many activities include picture framing, toy making, guitar making and repairs alongside standard items such as bird boxes, bug hotels, planters and other garden products In 2018, they started the Women’s Shed. Sue, 60, an ex-design and technology teacher was one of the first to sign up. “There’s a lot of job satisfaction in making things, but the social side is a big part of it too,” she says. “A lot of the ladies meet up outside too and during lockdown we all kept in touch and supported each other.” Project Co-ordinators 020 8294 3017. NEED MORE INFO: May be part of Penge Shed, above. [Nov 2021]
Women’s Shed Porth (Wales) 2016* Women’s Shed Porth is supported by SHEDNET, a local charity set up in 2016 to help valley people establish Men and Women Shed facilities and activities. ‘One of the projects they run is THE SHED which is a relaxing and friendly place to enjoy quality food and drink, support community activity and create work related learning opportunities for local people. The first Men Shed we supported was the Porth Men Shed which was a woodworking facility. This was very successful and surprisingly women asked if it was possible to open a WOMEN SHED! We hadn’t thought of that at the time but why not and we did with the opening of the Porth Women Shed . who are separate SHEDS but still work closely together.’ As with all people SHEDS are suffering from the effects of COVID-19 and it is clear that in years to come many more people will suffer from social isolation. This DIGITAL SHED has been created to support our existing SHEDS; support the opening of new SHEDS and more importantly to support our individual members – our SHEDDERS Women’s Shed Porth meets on a Monday and Friday 9:30-12 noon 12:30-2:00pm. They are based at TABS. Penhiwgwynt Road, Porth. Tel: 01443 682312. Contact: Paul Nagle, E:  T: 07895791461 [Nov 2021]
Biggin Hill Independent Shed, Women in Sheds (London, England) Feb 2019* In February 2019, it was reported that Biggin Hill-based DIY group Men in Sheds is throwing open its doors to women in a bid to build on its membership now that Lottery funding has dried up. The go-getting group of over-fifties, who meet on Mondays and Tuesdays from 10am to 3pm at the Youth Centre in Church Road, are so determined to keep their weekday workshop going, they have now agreed to offer their sacred space to females with a flair for making things on Fridays from March 1. Men In Sheds chairman Peter Martin, 67, says the idea was initially met with resistance but members realise it is for the greater good of the project, saying: “We had a choice, either to close down or continue. Many of us have invested a lot of time in it, so we don’t want it to close.” Biggin Hill Councillor Melanie Stephens, who was instrumental in initially setting up the “shed”, is confident women with a creative side will enjoy learning how to use hand tools and machines, under the careful guidance of the volunteers. She said: “It’s something a bit different and learning how to use the machinery. It’s also about companionship not just about DIY.” The group, which produces all manner of recycled goods made from wood, and offers a repair service on site, is open to anyone over 50 and is just a £2 per session. More information Facebook page: in Sheds is available on a Friday. Tel: 07763215037 E: [Nov 2021]
Frome Women’s Shed (Somerset, England) Public meeting April 2018, open 2020* The Frome Women’s Shed (an offshoot of the Frome Men’s Shed). Frome Women’s Shed meet ‘to make and mend things together, learn new skills, make friends, work on their own projects and on projects that benefit the community. Men are not excluded, and we have valuable help from some of our Men Shedders. The overriding purpose of the Shed is social contact, and for forming friendships.’ Some of the projects we undertake are traditionally ‘female’ ones, but this is no bar to one or two men who have joined us, and who have been seen using sewing machines! There are always some of us busy in the machine room with woodwork projects , and some of the men’s shedders generously assist us on occasions with those. Most of the time the members’ own projects are carried out, sometimes these are in a group, and sometimes individuals just work side by side – and there is always chatter and laughter in the room. The most important thing is that people have met each other and made friends, for many there has been relief from stress, and sometimes from isolation, imposed by changing circumstances. The equipment we have includes sewing machines and some art supplies as well as the workshop tools and benches, and here are some of our activities, many of which are illustrated on our Facebook pages: Machine sewing / Beautiful hardwood bread and cheese boards / Making quilts for poorly babies / Fiddle mitts for dementia patients / A full size wooden rocking horse / lino-cutting and printing / macrame wall hangings and pot holders / Christmas wreaths with natural materials / drawing, painting / whittling / use of hand tools in woodwork / use of portable machine tools / rag doll making / bird boxes, bat boxes / wooden games kits for children to build / upcycling furniture / chair caning and upholstery. Frome Women’s Shed is open from 9am to 1pm every Monday at the Welsh Mill, Park Hill Drive, Frome, BA11 2LE. Contact Ros on 07500-061624 or by email to
Rhyl Women’s Shed (Rhyl, Wales) Jan 2019* Simon Poole, Development Officer for North Wales reported in July 2020 that it is ‘an offshoot from Rhyl Men’s Shed, who early in 2020 took on the lease of a derelict pub in the middle of the town not a functioning pub) and converted it into a community Hub, hosting the Men’s Shed two days a week, the Women’s Shed one day and a youth group (much needed) two evenings.’ The age group is mixed, started from 20 years plus. Rhyl Women’s Shed is a joint venture run by the staff of Brighter Futures Rhyl and Co-options. Brighter Futures is a Charitable Incorporated Association support local children, young people, families and the older generation to actively participate in community activities, address local issues and influence decisions that affect our lives. Co-options is a social enterprise for ‘Connecting people with Learning Disabilities to opportunities’. ‘Brighter Futures in Rhyl have been successfully managing Rhyl Men’s Shed for a few years and a few of the staff felt that it was time they introduced a Women’s Shed to Rhyl. It is an informal Ladies Group, Which is run from Brighter futures house 29-33 Abbey Street Rhyl. It provides a place where women can meet and do as much or as little as you want, take part in various activities and courses if you wish or just drop in for a cuppa and a chat! So why not pop in on Wednesday and see what you think. We are open from 10am till 2 pm and the kettle is always on.’ MISSING CONTACT DETAILS.
Redcar [Men’s & Women’s] Shed (North Yorkshire, England) 2018* Redcar Women’s Shed is part of Redcar Men’s Shed. Redcar Women’s Shed started in 2018, with one session a week for women. The activities included things like how to fit a socket, how to change a fuse, how to restart Wi-Fi. Then they got into how to use to use the tools, e.g. bandsaw, hand tools etc. Now all new members go through this training on use of tools, male and female. The manager John Lambert, employed to run the shed by Footprints in the Community, a charitable organisation in Redcar, asked the women if they wanted to mix with the men. This would have meant that the women could come into the shed 4 days a week instead of one. The women said no – they said they were involved in different activities from the men and felt it was better to keep it separate. John said Covid changed all this – they have now amalgamated the sheds. Prior to lockdown, they ran mixed sessions from Monday to Thursday 9am-2pm. To ensure social distancing, the number of members in the Shed was limited and all sessions were pre-booked in advance. Since lockdown, everyone has been working remotely, running the shed through zoom calls, with everyone working together sharing videos and advising each other. One woman has built her own workshop based on help and advice from all the members. There are approximately 30 women members, aged from late 20s up to 76 years. Membership is £15 per year (pro rata). Each session (of up to five hours) costs £2.50, including tea/coffee. John Lambert reported that the lesson from shutdown is working together is the way forward. Going forward the shed will be known as Redcar Shed going forward. There will be no mention of men or women in the name. Contact John Lambert. T: 07526 994468
Staiths Women’s Shed (The She Shed)(North Yorkshire, England) 2018* Staithes Women’s Shed is one of five sheds set up by Whitby District Sheds, a registered charity. Two of these sheds are for women; Whitby Women’s Shed and Staithes Women’s Shed.  The Staithes Women’s Shed is open on Thursdays (10am – 1.30pm) in the outbuilding to the rear of the Staithes Sports and Social Club. This Shed opened in 2018.
Within the shed, women take part in a range of activities including crafts such as knitting, as well as using the lathe, table saw, chop saw and joining in with whatever is going on. They are aged 60+.
They do not have any paid staff, only volunteers. Everyone pays £4 per session. The membership cover rental cost of the shed. The shed is currently closed due to Covid but member keep in tough via zoom three times a week – twice for conversation and once for doing something things like cookery and quizzes. Contact: E:  T: 07763656627
Women in Sheds, Charnwood (Leicestershire, England) * Women in Sheds, Charnwood. Building on the success of the Men’s Shed and in response to local demand, Age UK also offer a ‘Women in Sheds project in Charnwood to open up this creative space to women who would like to share tools and resources in working on projects of their own choosing, at their own pace and in a safe, friendly and inclusive venue. Our Shed is a place for skill sharing and informal learning, of individual pursuits and 2019*

community projects, of purpose, achievement and social interaction. It’s a venue for women to get stuck into hobbies old and new, get creative and make new friendship.’ Suggested projects include activities as varied as: • Woodworking (e.g. carpentry, joinery, turning, carving, whittling, marquetry, furniture renovation, picture frames, garden furniture, bird boxes, Xmas/Easter ornaments) • Electronics • Bike repair • Arts/crafts (painting, calligraphy, pottery) • Gardening • Upholstery • Music (singing/playing instruments) • Sports/leisure – pool, skittles, carpet bowls, darts, dominoes, cards • Model trains, boats, planes, cars etc. • IT/communication – computers, languages. There will be a small contribution towards refreshments and other day-to-day expenses, but apart from that all facilities are free of charge. Martin Gladders—Men in Sheds Co-ordinator 01509 211 603 or 07738 820 988 E:

Women in Sheds, Winsford (Cheshire, England) * There has always been a demand for women in sheds and following a successful pilot at Hartford Shed, our project is now based at Winsford where the project enables ladies to learn new skills, share skills with each other and to come together and create things to raise revenue for the shed.’ Women in Sheds are keen to start attending craft fairs and have a wealth of ideas which are so far proving to be popular. Women in Sheds are supported by our team of volunteers at our Winsford Shed and have been learning pen making, making trugs and planters and learning to use a range of equipment since Winsford Shed opened its doors in April 2019. THE Winsford shed on a Monday and Tuesday. The Shed address is, Lorien House, Darnhall School Lane, Winsford, CW7 1J.Women in Sheds Coordinator Neil Corbin MISSING CONTACT DETAILS
Whaplode She Shed (Lincolnshire, England) June 2018* On 21 June 2018, it was reported that Pamela Medwren was holding a garden party for women in Whaplode to launch a new group she’s called She Shed. Pamela said she ‘wants to open a ladies version of the Men in Sheds groups set up as an attempt to avoid loneliness where people can come together to learn skills and take part in activities together. To raise awareness and funds she’s organising the garden party at her home on Saturday (June 23) where she hopes potential members will join her to discuss how the She Shed might evolve and the activities its members take part.’ Pamela has some men’s groups to get ideas and says she will look to get the group doing a host of different activities at each session. She said: “I’ve spoken to a few people already who are interested in the She Shed. “We’d eventually like a place where we can meet every week and keep a lot of equipment at for those activities. That’s something the likes of the Women’s Institute don’t have and we’d like to work with groups like that as it progresses. “To launch it now in the year of the 100th anniversary would be fitting, It would be a place where mum’s and their daughters could come together and learn crafts and techniques together.” For further information on the She Shed, contact Pam: [Nov 2021]


Mount Franklin Spring

The real story behind Mount Franklin mineral water!

View north along the elevated area that includes some overgrown Lime Kiln foundations. Limestone Creek is to the right. The shed in the right background is part of the abandoned ‘Mount Franklin’ mineral water pumping infrastructure.

View west across the largely mined out lime tufa quarry (where the spiny rush is growing). The elevated area beyond includes overgrown stone foundations of the Lime Kilns. Limestone Creek runs south along the near side of the background eucalypts.

Early Lime Kilns and Spring on Limestone Creek:

The forgotten story behind ‘Mount Franklin’ Mineral Water

Barry Golding*, Andrew Shugg & Stephen Carey*

*Federation University, Australia

A tantalising line in squatter, John Hepburn’s diary on 5 March 1848, cited in a biography of Hepburn (Quinlan 1968, p. 145) provoked Barry Golding’s interest several decades ago. It read simply, ‘Sent Harry to Jim Crow for a load of lime’. Jim Crow in the 1840s was the name of the district around present-day Mount Franklin in central Victoria north of Daylesford. The mountain was likely Lalgambook to Dja Dja Wurrung people, but before 1843 was widely referred to as ‘Jim Crow Hill’. Given there were likely only very limited limestone bands within the Lower Ordovician bedrock, it led to questions about whether, where and how the lime used to help build Hepburn’s mansion in 1848 was manufactured locally during the 1840s, and from which local limestone deposits.

Our article seeks to bring together all that is known to answer these questions and draw some conclusions about ‘what next’ for the site. We tease out the fascinating history of the mineral spring that quite recently lends its name to the best-known bottled water in Australia, now branded ‘Mount Franklin’ and owned by Coca Cola Amatil. It also chronicles the history of the adjacent former Lime Kilns located within the footprint of the former Loddon Aboriginal Protectorate (1841-49). We also identify how the associated deposits of limestone were likely formed, mined and turned into lime for building until the 1870s.

Given Mount Franklin’s stated commitment to ‘do the right thing’, we identify an opportunity for  the site’s unique history and heritage to be acknowledged and for a publicly accessible mineral spring to be restored on the site.


We are grateful for the advice and assistance of local historians, Eric Sartori, Gary Lawrence, David Bannear and David Endacott. We thank the current owners of the spring and Lime Kiln site, Frank and Linda Carroll, for giving us permission to access the privately owned site. This is a work in progress and we welcome new information and advice about any of the many gaps in our account.

Location and land status

The Limestone Creek Spring, also called ‘Gilmores/ Gilmour’s’ and more recently ‘Mount Franklin’, is one of many previously recorded mineral springs, most of which occur within 50 km of the Daylesford and Hepburn Springs region, that is promoted as the ‘Spa capital of Australia’.

The Limestone Spring and what we now confirm as the adjacent Lime Kiln site and limestone tufa deposit are in 2020 located immediately south-west of the present junction between the Midland Highway and Limestone Track in the Parish of Yandoit, within the northern part of the Hepburn Shire. The privately owned site fronts onto the west side of the Midland Highway and the east bank of Limestone Creek, 17 km north of Daylesford and 10 km south of Guildford.

Limestone Track to the east historically continued to the north west of the site, approximately paralleling Limestone Creek for several kilometres until it merged with Whitlock’s Road. The former northerly continuation of the Limestone Track is clearly visible in contemporary aerial photos. The current bitumen ‘Limestone Road’ connects Yandoit and the Midland Highway south of Guildford.

In the 1970s the mineral spring was in a privately owned paddock just west of the Midland Highway .The mineral water flowed out of a large pipe close to ground level with occasional large and audible gas bubbles, therefore also called ‘The Bullfrog’ by some locals. Locals then suggested that some of the rubble amongst the blackberries on the site was derived from the former Lime Kilns.

The Lime Kilns appear on several survey and geological maps produced between the late 1840s and the 1860s. The Lime Kilns were marked on Crown Allotment 3, Section 6A (previously section 6) of an 1862 survey map, but the mineral spring was not located. Thomas Fleming was the Crown Grantee in 1862 via purchase at a Crown Land Sale. The site was purchased by the current owners on 20 October 1987. In 2020, the site includes a  shallow, hummocky depression, where the original lime tufa deposits have been mined, and the stone foundations of several former Lime Kilns. An adjacent area to the south enclosed by a high wire fence includes former mineral water tanks and associated shedding from the 1980s. This was the former site of the mineral spring.

The historical evidence base from the 1840s

John Hepburn’s 1848 diary entry about lime being obtained from Jim Crow suggested that the Lime Kilns were operating during the late 1840s. The Jim Crow district of the 1840s referred to the area around Mount Franklin, including the 50 square mile Aboriginal Protectorate that operated from 1841-49 within an approximate 5 mile (8km) radius centred on present day Franklinford.

Detailed mapping of The boundaries of the Mount Franklin Aboriginal Reserve by Claude Culvenor in 1992 confirmed that the Mineral Spring and adjacent Lime Kilns were well within the Aboriginal Protectorate when its boundaries were surveyed in 1849. This being the case, it seemed likely there would be some mention of the Lime Kilns in the voluminous correspondence of the Aboriginal Protectorate.

The ‘smoking gun’ as to how, why, when and by whom the Lime Kiln was commenced and operated during the 1840s has not yet been located in the official Protectorate records. However, when Chief Protector of Aborigines, George Robinson visited Assistant Protector Edward Parker at his Mount Franklin Protectorate Station between 21-24 Sept 1847, he expressed a frank and negative opinion of what he saw on the Station in his personal diary. In the process, Robinson alluded to Parker personally profiting from lime produced on the Protectorate.

Robinson’s diary extract, below, provides a broader context for Robinson’s general irritation, and his specific suspicion that Parker was selling but not properly accounting for the sale of stone and/or lime produced. Robinson reported in September 1847 that there were:

… 30 natives on [Protectorate] station. … Wheat sown, Footrot in sheep … [flour] mill out of order and wheat sent to Hepburn’s [flour mill near Kingston on Birches Creek] to grind. Miserable place … orphan children. Parker [has] plenty pig, geese and cattle … Parker sells stone instead of lime. Parker to account for money for lime …. The first Presbyterian [actually Church of England] church at the Lodden (sic.) is a barn and shearing shed.

A full account of the Loddon Protectorate Era Flour mill alluded to in this quotation has been separately and recently posted as a blog by Barry Golding at It would seem that Parker was operating several ‘small businesses’ aside from the flour mill and lime kiln and was in receipt of the profits of the wool and meat produced on the expansive Protectorate and Aboriginal Station.

By 1853, not only were there were perceptions that Parker was benefiting financially in this way, but there also existed concerns that the Aboriginal Station of the 1850s was too large, given the diminishing number of Aboriginal people at the station. The pressure for land from gold-mining families in the district led by 1853 to a flurry of government surveys that divided part of the Aboriginal station area, including the Lime Kiln site, into small Crown Allotments.

An 1853 ‘Plan of Allotments Laid out at the Lime Kilns at the Aboriginal Station Mount Franklin’ (CPO E74, 1853) is reproduced in David Rhodes’ 1995 study, An historical and Archaeological investigation of the Loddon Aboriginal Protectorate Station and Aboriginal Reserve (p. 101). The plan shows two, long rectangular ‘Lime Kilns’ at the western edge of one small allotment on the eastern edge of Limestone Creek. It also confirms that the Lime Kilns, at least to 1853, were still regarded as being within the bounds of the Mount Franklin Aboriginal Station, which operated in the same area for some years after the Aboriginal Protectorate system was disestablished in late 1849.

Rhodes (1995, p. 65) reported that he had made an attempt to locate the site of the Lime Kilns by comparing the positions of the structures, the creek and road alignments on historic plans with the [1995] course of Limestone Creek and existing road alignments. Rhodes concluded that:

Although the alignments of the adjacent roads have been altered, the course of Limestone Creek has not changed significantly, making it possible to pinpoint the kiln site in relation to the creek. Limestone can be seen outcropping in the creek banks at this point, but the surrounding area has been ploughed over, obliterating any trace of the kilns. (p. 65)

Rhodes (1995) also noted that the Lime Kilns were not listed in the official Protectorate building returns. In contradiction to Rhodes, our observations show that the surrounding area has not ‘been ploughed over’, evidence of foundations of the Lime Kilns remains, and that the lime tufa crops out in the adjacent paddock and also in the base of the shallow quarry. The creek was so overgrown with blackberries in 2020 it was not possible for us to see the limestone outcropping in the creek banks though Andy Shugg recalls it in outcrop there several decades ago.

Madden’s (1976) La Trobe University Honours Thesis, The Loddon District Aboriginal Protectorate (p. 33) suggests that the Lime Kilns in question were operating as early as 1842 but were not necessarily being operated directly by the Station. Rhodes (1995, p. 33) cites correspondence from Parker to Governor La Trobe (7 February 1851: VPRS 1851/341) who stated that the Lime Kilns were, by 1851, being operated by a contractor, who was at that time applying to build another two kilns.

If the Lime Kilns were operated as a semi-private business by Parker or a contractor, they would probably not have been established earlier than 1842 and were certainly operating by 1847.

The historical evidence base from the 1850s

A ‘Plan of Country between Guildford and Mount Franklin’ dated 15 October1856 appears to show two lime kilns. A ‘Map Allotments of Land on the Jim Crow Creek near the Lime-Kiln and North of the Proposed Township, Parish of Yandoit’, dated 5 May 1855, shows an oval-shaped body of limestone then outcropping on the junction between Limestone Creek and a tributary coming in from the south-east.

A very detailed ‘Plan of Allotments Laid out at the Lime Kilns North of Section XII of Lands Laid out at the Aboriginal Station Mount Franklin’, dated 20 June 1855, shows five allotments each of about one acre, all of which extended west to Limestone Creek. Four of these allotments are rectangular and extend east onto the main north-south road. There is a hut marked on allotment 1. Two adjacent lime kilns are close to Limestone Creek on Allotment 2. No structures are marked on allotments 3, 4 or 5. Allotment 5 is roughly triangular with its north-eastern boundary forming the edge of the original Limestone Road.

An 1856 survey, ‘Country lots on the Limestone Creek, Parish of Yandoit County of Talbot’ (MAP NK 2456/258, Surveyor General’s Office, 25 April 1856, on line through Trove), clearly shows four rectangular blocks each of approximately one acre in an area marked ‘Lime Kilns’. Each allotment fronted onto Limestone Creek as well as the main Castlemaine – Daylesford Road (now the Midland Highway). These blocks are very similar to those shown in the 1853 survey, though the position of the Lime Kilns was not marked on the 1856 map.

What is known about the adjacent mineral spring?

Unlike the limestone deposit and the Lime Kilns, what became known as ‘Gilmore’s Mineral Spring’ at Limestone Creek was rarely mentioned or mapped. It is mentioned as an aside as a ‘spring’ associated with the limestone in Ulrich’s (1866) geological report. The name ‘Gilmore’ comes from a farmer who lived near the Lime Kilns before selling up and moving from the area in 1877. Exactly where the spring was located before or after 1877 in relation to the lime tufa deposit is not known.

Most of the over 100 mineral springs now recorded in Victoria were discovered and later systematically documented during an era of extensive mining activity within 50 km of the best-known cluster around Hepburn Springs beginning in the mid-1850s. Many springs were renovated from the 1920s when bores were put down and pumps were added to some springs that did not issue to the surface naturally. Beginning during the early 1900s, a list of registered mineral springs in Victoria was created, all mapped and ascribed a unique MS (Mineral Spring) number to avoid confusion about names. Gilmore’s / Limestone Creek / Mount Franklin Mineral Spring is numbered MS 009.


Until the late 1860s, what is now widely known as ‘Mineral Water’ in Australia had not been popularised or bottled in Victoria. Maund’s paper on ‘The Mineral Waters of Victoria’ (5 April 1855) noted that he had received two specimens of ‘acidulous water’, ‘one from Hepburn near Castlemaine and another from the banks of the Merri Creek’ [in 2020 the Donnybrook Mineral Spring, 1 km north of the Donnybrook railway station in the Shire of Whittlesea]. A third spring, Maund had been told, existed at Ballan.

Contrary to popular folklore, what are in 2020 collectively known as ‘Hepburn Mineral Springs’ were not the first mineral springs to be discovered, popularised and commercialised. Many, including those which bubbled naturally into creeks, such as still occurs at Deep Creek near Eganstown, would have been known and used by Aboriginal traditional owners. The first pastoralists arriving on the Bellarine Peninsula in 1837 reported the existence of mineral springs at Clifton Springs. In 1864 the ‘Clifton Mineral Springs Company, Drysdale Limited’ was set up to collect mineral water and erect baths.

A chemical analysis of water that was later bottled and marketed in Melbourne as ‘Ballan Seltzer’ is reported in The Argus (14 Sept 1867, p. 5), as taken ‘from a spring near Ballan’. The Bacchus March Express (21 Sept 1867, p. 4) noted that the spring was situated ‘… in a somewhat wild and inaccessible locality a little off the track of the old Daylesford road … 100 yards from the Moorabool River’. This ‘Ballan spring’ water was probably taken from a third spring mentioned by Maund, now called Gunsser’s Mineral Spring MS 070.

The 1867 Bacchus March Express article records that while the ‘Ballan spring’ had only very recently been ‘introduced to the public’, its existence had been known for several years. The article noted that ‘The proprietor of an adjoining station has been in the habit of bottling it in large quantities for his own use and that of his friends, and that occasional parties have visited the spring‘.

… to drink its waters, with more or less admixtures of stronger potations. Like a good many other local treasures, it has been ignored, simply because it is local. … Messrs Joske and Morton have already commenced the erection of premises suitable for bottling the water, and in the course of a week or two it will have become a recognised beverage in Melbourne.

Several of the early Geological Survey of Victoria reports including those by Taylor and Newbery refer to the existence of mounds associated in central Victoria with several mineral springs. In 1930 Foster mapped some of these mounds and undertook analyses of the tufa. Mounds associated with mineral springs were mapped on some of the Geological Map Sheets including Korweinguboora. Baragwanath’s (1947) ‘Special Report, Gold & Minerals’ (G83) also mentions ‘mounds’, called ‘lime tufa mounds’ in Shugg’s (2004) PhD thesis, which analysed and discussed these mounds in considerable detail.

Baragwanath noted in his 1947 report that:

In the neighbourhoods of Glenluce, Lyonville, Glenlyon and Spargo Creek the remains of former springs can be seen. These comprise mounds sometimes a few feet above the general level of the surrounding country. The mounds are composed of travertine [a form of limestone deposited by mineral springs, sometimes hot springs], deposited over countless ages while springs discharged normally. Eventually the springs became sealed off. In a number of cases bores were put down, and at comparatively shallow depths travertine was passed through and supplies of mineral water were available for pumping.

Baragwanath’s explanation would appear to apply also to Gilmore’s (Limestone Creek) Spring. The relatively large (approximately 100 metre) but thin (perhaps 3 metre thick) lens of lime tufa which was mined on the site was undoubtedly deposited in situ from calcium-rich waters over a considerable interval. The spring that caused the deposit may have still been seeping through the deposit or into nearby Limestone Creek before the 1840s. It is possible that locals may have used the mineral water, if a spring discharged at the Limestone Creek site during Gilmore’s time in the district (i.e. before 1877), as the Spargo Creek Spring was used prior to 1867.

Evidence of the mineral spring from the past four decades

Gilmore’s (Limestone Creek) Mineral Spring is comprehensively described by Andrew Shugg (2004) in a report to the Victorian Mineral Water Committee, along with a description of what he calls its associated ‘calc-tufa mound’. Tufa is a variety of limestone formed when carbonate minerals precipitate from discharging groundwater. Tufa can contain fossils including shells, wood, leaves and their imprints. Though no such fossils were visible in hand specimens collected from the Limestone Creek site from the limited accessible outcrop in 2020, leaf and grass impressions have been noted by Shugg (2004) from other, similar mounds. Many of the hand specimens collected from the base and margins of the quarry comprise alluvial gravel cemented with carbonate. Keppel, Clarke, Halihan et al. (2011) studied tufa-mound springs in the Lake Eyre area. They noted that despite similar formations being found worldwide, few intensive studies of the formation and ongoing evolution of these structures exist.

Andy Shugg (1996) had undertaken a comprehensive study of Mineral Spring Water in Victoria. Table 2 in Shugg’s report lists ‘Victorian commercial mineral water, the sources, location, owner, licensed and authorised extraction rates (1993)’. Spring MS 009 located within the Hepburn Shire at ‘Limestone’ then had ‘Coca Cola APD’ listed as the owner and extractor. APD, Australian Property Developments, appears to be an Adelaide-based development and construction organization.

The year of last extraction of water was 1985/6 despite 35Ml/day being the authorised extraction volume from bores on the site. For laypeople, 35 megalitres is a lot of water: equivalent to 14 Olympic-sized (50-metre) pools.

Appendix D in Shugg (1996) listing all registered Mineral Springs in Victoria confirms that seven registered groundwater bores, six of them Mineral Water (MW) bores, had then been sunk at the Limestone Creek Spring (MS 009) site to extract the water. The seventh was the number of the previous mineral spring on the site in the groundwater database.

Shugg (2004, p. 4) provides detailed hydrogeological information about the mineral water from the Limestone Creek mineral spring. He observes that:

The mineral water is a sodium bicarbonate type … although the cations calcium and magnesium also occur in significant quantities. The water has around 3000 mg/L bicarbonate, 300-600 mg/l chloride, and with a total dissolved salts concentration of 4,000-4,500 mg/l, it is one of the more saline of the mineral waters from the Daylesford area.

The gas in the mineral water was, unsurprisingly, 98 per cent carbon dioxide.

Eric Sartori contends that ‘A unique mineral water spring flowed up through the limestone to the surface, near the present Midland Highway. In the late 1980s a water bottling company purchased the land, put down a bore into a saline aquifer and ruined the spring. This was environmental vandalism’.

Sartori’s contention is supported by the evidence. It appears that during the 1970s a casing was placed in the hole of the previous mineral spring, which would have previously been flowing out naturally into a hollow or ditch. An unsuccessful later attempt was made to clear the bore and enlarge the hole. In the process, it appears that all that was achieved was enabling drainage of reflux from the evapotranspiration of the area on the mound. The deep drilling subsequently undertaken by Scalex and later by Coca Cola sealed the fate of the previous mineral spring.

Precisely what happened to destroy the spring aquifer and/or lead to its abandonment as a pumping source is beyond the scope of the present paper. However, it might be a story worth investigating and telling in the future. One possible brief explanation is that as consumer tastes changed, the relatively high salinity as well as calcium and magnesium in the Limestone Creek mineral water was less desirable, less palatable or less commercial than that of other mineral water, and particularly freshwater bores that were being developed by Coca Cola as well as Pepsi after the 1980s. It likely became more profitable to bottle tankered still water, which involved less treatment and less inconsistency in comparison to natural mineral water.

The geology of the spring


Alluvium and travertine occur at the surface overlying Ordovician bedrock at the Limestone Creek site. The travertine was formerly burnt for lime, and remains of the kilns may be seen on the alluvial flats. The existence of the spring and its accompanying limestone sinter mound was noted by Newbery (1867), while Ulrich (1866) included the lime kilns on the Geological] Quarter Sheet. The spring is located around 22 km from recharge areas at the crest of the Dividing Range.

 A portion of Ulrich’s (1866) geological map shows that the general area around the Lime Kilns consists of approximately north (340 degree) trending Ordovician bedrock, with north trending quartz reefs exposed on the ridges. The Lime Kilns in 1866 are shown as a sizeable rectangle located on the alluvium on a consolidated allotment, though no mineral spring is marked. The deposits that were quarried to produce the lime are not marked on Ulrich’s map. However, a note on the map reads, ‘Small patch of freshwater limestone, its margin consists of a breccia of slate and quartz cemented by lime.’

‘Breccia’ is a rock containing angular fragments. The lime tufa at Limestone Creek incorporates  variable proportions of mostly water-worn sandstone pebbles in the limestone and would not be called a breccia.

Eric Sartori notes in an unpublished report (pers. comm.) that Brough Smyth briefly mentions a limestone deposit north-east of Franklinford in his The goldmines of in 1882-3 Victoria report. It is possible that this might instead refer to ‘Murph’s Spring’ also NE of Franklinford and reportedly with a tufa mound. A geological plan of Ferguson (1911) had three kiln sites marked between the creek and the mound.

 Andy Shugg (2004) summarised the known geology, hydrogeology and recent use of the Limestone Spring as follows (lightly edited).

Ulrich (1864) drew attention to the lime kilns at the mineral springs on the Geological Quarter sheet 15 SE with the note that about 70 metres around the spring there was about 3 metres of travertine consisting of fragments of slate, sandstone and quartz in a calcareous matrix with some iron oxide.

Newbery (1867) also drew attention to the spring and noted the carbonate mound deposited from the alkaline earths, and its similarity with several other spring mounds exist such as at Spargo Creek, then referred to as one of the Ballan springs. Later, Ferguson (April 1911) noted that there was a white scum on the water suggesting active deposition of travertine. Near the small alluvial flat were the remnants of old lime kilns. The tuffaceous limestone originating from the spring covered an area of 0.5 hectare and had an average a thickness of 3 metres. Ferguson (1911) considered that the spring had been flowing for about 5,000 years based on the thickness of travertine deposits.

At some stage the spring was improved, and a bore was established from which the mineral water flowed. Local people used to fill bottles from the spring.

In 1976, Scanex Minerals cleaned out the existing bore, drilled 6 further bores and conducted a testing program. [Bores] Yandoit 10003 and 10004 were sampled in between June and December 1979. Further bores Yandoit 10005, 10006, 10007 and 10008 were drilled at the site of the spring for Associated Products and Distributors P/L. Analysis of pumping tests carried out on the test bores indicated transmissivities between 10 – 110 m2/d and storativity values from 0.002 – 0.011 (Szabo, for Scanex Minerals Pty Ltd, 1979). Later AGC (Australian Groundwater Consultants) conducted further testing at the site for the Coca Cola bottling company.

The private bores … drilled at the spring … penetrated around 35 – 50 m of deeply weathered rock, before entering a sequence of hard Ordovician sandstones and graphitic shales. Later deep bores to 150 m were proposed to develop the mineral water in 1980. In May 1980, consultants to the Coca Cola Company requested a permit to extract mineral water at a rate of 100 m3/d (36.5 ML/annum). In response, the Victorian Geological Survey recommended that extraction be subject to the following conditions;

  • The licence should be reviewed after two years,
  • Three observation bores should be constructed and monitored and,
  • That the interference with flow in Limestone Creek be ascertained.

Landowners downstream of the spring development complained to the Department that there was a possibility of diminished creek base flow resulting from pumping from mineral water extraction from the bedrock and this would impact on their stock and domestic entitlements and environmental flow in the stream.

Mineral water from Gilmore’s (Limestone Creek) Mineral Spring was at one stage extracted and bottled by Coca Cola. The name of the spring was changed to ‘Mount Franklin’ as part of a re-branding exercise. The last water extraction occurred in the fiscal year 1985/1986. The label “Mount Franklin” has the best-known bottled water brand in Australia.

Despite the name, the product ‘Mount Franklin’ water or mineral water has no current relation to nor contains and water from the Gilmores / Limestone Creek / Mount Franklin mineral spring. Sadly, the mineral spring that used to be used by locals on the roadside until 40 years ago has been destroyed. The area where the mineral spring was and where the holding tanks and associated shedding were constructed has been fenced off.

 Shugg (2004) summarised the then ‘Status’ of the Limestone Creek Spring, as below.

The spring was improved, and mineral water flows from a 150 mm bore casing. The bore was deepened and improved by Scanex Minerals (Szabo) in 1978. The bore was used for commercial purposes for only a short period till 1986. The site is no longer used for the commercial extraction of mineral water and is not developed for other purposes. In June 2004, the site [had] not been used as a mineral water source for nearly two decades. Two water storage tanks still exist, and the bores and several sheds are still maintained on site. Large amounts of spring tufa still exist at the site. It is comprised of hard dense light yellow – grey earthy or clayey calc-sinter and white porous calc-sinter with remnant structures after vegetable material.

Local knowledge suggests that during the process of ‘improving’ and deepening the spring for commercial extraction of mineral water, improper use of casing and/or pumping led the water to become contaminated by salt.

How was the ‘lime’ actually produced?

 All of the above does not explain to a layperson what calcium-rich rocks were actually used to manufacture the lime on the Limestone Creek site, how the lime might have been made and how and where it might have been used.

What follows uses a number of online and published sources from other lime kilns in Victoria and elsewhere to try to address these topics. A deeper understanding may follow more detailed field work, including a proposed subsequent survey for the Victorian Heritage Register.

Much of the general information below has been gleaned from two reports.

  • A hand-edited, unpublished document from a talk given by Joanna McClellan in 1986 to the Royal Historical Society titled Lime burning: An Early industry in Victoria.
  • A 50+ page report published by Heritage Victoria in 2000 titled An archaeological and historical overview of limeburning in Victoria, by Jane Harrington.

Insights from McClellan (1986)

McClellan identifies four main sites of ‘early’ lime-burning installations in Victoria: Limeburner’s Point, Geelong; Walkerville; Coimadai and Fossil Beach near Mornington. Most of the earliest sites were on the coast where shells or shell-rich sediments provided the calcium carbonate-rich raw materials.

Coimadai north-east of Bacchus Marsh (along with the Limestone Creek Lime Kiln) being inland sites developed on deposits from freshwater springs, are exceptions. Both had lime kilns operating by the 1850s. A post with original words by Anders Hjorth, available on line via the Federation University Industrial Heritage site, suggests a possible connection between the Coimadai site and the Lime Kilns near Mount Franklin, as Coimadia’s early (1850s) lime kilns were operated by a ‘Mr Brown’ while the Lime Kilns near Mount Franklin were known as ‘Brown’s lime kilns’ in 1858. Additional interest in the Coimadai deposit derives from its associated mineral spring and reported presence of large megafauna bones within the limestone. Some of what Hjorth is included below since it identifies the context for lime making on similar, though larger, deposits during the same era the Limestone Creek deposits were being worked.

“In 1861 I had occasion to call at Coimadai, for a couple of bags of lime. Shortly after leaving Toolern I entered on a very devious track, through primeval but not dense forest; found the kilns, in the front of which there was a small cleared space, but looking west, towards Coimadai flats, the vision was interrupted by a forest of gum and box trees, undergrowth, and reeds. I have often tried to form a theory accounting for the presence of fossilised bones embedded in the rocks of the limestone quarries at Coimadai.

Through the kindness of my son-in-law (Mr. A. Allen) who has been working in the limestone quarries at Coimadai, I have obtained several fossilised bones of various dimensions, some of them being very large—big enough to have belonged to some gigantic dinosaur of the past.

From what can learn, the first white man to make Coimadai his domicile was a Mr. John Hopgood, who lived in a hut on the left bank of the creek, opposite to what is now known as the sodawater spring. That was somewhere in the [18]fifties. Mr. Hopgood was also the discoverer of the lime deposits which were at first worked in a small way by him and his sons. After a while, the Messrs. Browne, Gamble and Munroe got possession of the deposits, and worked them on a larger scale, supplying the Messrs. Cornish and Bruce, contractors for the construction of Mt. Alexander railway, which was then building, with a large quantity of lime; that would be about 1860.

Between 1860 and 1863, about 50 men were employed, in the various vocations connected with the burning of and carting away of the lime. A local squatter, (Mr. Brown) [dissolved the partnership] and Gamble sold out to his partners for £1000. Immediately after he opened up a lime deposit on a hill opposite, which is now known as Mr. Burnip’s. Mr. Gamble did not seem to have stayed long here, but meeting Mr. Burnip at Bendigo he informed him of the existence of the deposit, which, with the block it was on, was secured by Mr. Burnip. It seems that, about the middle [18]sixties, Brown and Munroe, abandoned their interest in the lime kilns, which were afterwards for some time worked spasmodically by F. Gulliver, sen., and his sons, as well as by Mr. T. Hopgood’s sons.

The output mostly went to supply local demands. In the [18]seventies, a Mr. Blair, owner of limekilns near the Heads, on the eastern side of Port Phillip Bay, got possession of Coimadai lime deposits, but from what I can learn, he did not display much activity by increasing the output. In the [18]eighties, Mr. P. Alkemade, a native of Holland, who had a good deal of experience as a builder and contractor, as well as of opening up lime deposits in other parts of the State, obtained possession of part of the quarries.

At that time things were commencing to boom in Melbourne, through the influx of borrowed money; a number of ramshackle buildings were demolished, to be replaced by palatial structures. Mr. Alkemade, being an active, energetic, man with insight to the future, managed to get capital by floating a company, increasing the number of kilns, and fronting them by what was, for the locality, an imposing structure of rubble masonry. The company was floated under the name of The Alkemade Hydraulic Lime Company and inaugurated in bumpers of champagne and other joy conducers.

As Mr. Alkemade had only got possession of part of the deposits, a Mr. Debly took up the other part about the same time, and also fronted his kilns with rubble masonry, and porches where the burned lime could be drawn in all weathers. Those porches, in after years, when Mr. Debly had abandoned his portion of the quarries, often became the abode of non-residential employees of the Alkemade’s, who were, by “Rambler,” in one of the local papers, designated as “cave-dwellers.” During the building boom in Melbourne, things were correspondingly booming at Coimadai, and a considerable number of men found employment in the various vocations required for the production of and getting away the lime, which, after being carted to Bacchus Marsh, was railed to Melbourne.

In 1892, the boom collapsed, and the output at the kilns gradually declined, and ceased altogether as far as the Melbourne supply was concerned, a few bags went weekly to Bacchus Marsh, mostly carted by Mr. P. Alkemade, sen.. … [After his accidental death] the output having now almost become nil, with no immediate prospect of mending, Mr. Alkemade’s four sons (Cornelius, Robert, Peter and John) bought all the company’s interests, price I do not know. They managed gradually to increase the output, by supplying other parts of the State, as well as Melbourne with lime, which had by this time got a good reputation. Year by year the business kept extending; production having also been cheapened by the introduction of various labor saving appliances, and the turning out of a first-class article suitable to builders.

I understand that the weekly output now averages from 600 to 700 bags. Mr. Debly abandoned his part of the quarry when the boom burst. In the quarry today, consisting of a great pit, I am informed there is yet any quantity of stone to be obtained. The first settlers to obtain land on Coimadai flats … were attracted by the opening up of the lime deposits, as, in 1861, Mr. Bennett, before he got his block, had a small store, with a wine licence, a little below where the hotel now stands. … Mr. Bower was of an energetic, if somewhat sanguine, disposition, and assisted in furthering and developing the resources of Coimadai. He opened up a mineral spring on his property, erected machinery, for the treatment and bottling of its water, and forwarded the product to Melbourne, but did not seem to have taken too well with the public, and the attempt to establish a trade in that direction was abandoned.”

Returning to the coast, before 1840, McClellan suggests most of the lime around the shores of Port Phillip was manufactured in ‘bush type’ kilns. They employed a shallow pit filled with fuel on which the broken stone (typically coastal deposits of shells or dune limestone) was placed. The whole thing was covered with sod or bricks to retain the heat, and the fuel was fired perhaps through a channel. Though the process was inefficient and the product was contaminated with ash and unburned material, it was ‘good enough’ for early use in the building industry.

According to McClellan, ‘properly constructed’ kilns, exemplified by one built at Geelong around 1847, consisted of a vertical brick -lined shaft, a vaulted tunnel and long retaining wall. The stone and fuel were laid in alternate layers and fired from below as the lime was calcined. effectively being roasted by strong heat. The lime was raked out the bottom through the draw hole at the back of the vaulted tunnel. Theoretically such a kiln could be operated continuously by adding more layers of fuel and stone, thus creating a ‘running kiln’. By the mid-1840s sufficient lime was being produced in the Geelong area for a shipping trade to develop that took lime to Launceston.

By 1841 there were ten lime kilns on the Mornington Peninsula, at least some of which were likely to have been ‘properly constructed’. By 1849 there was a special wharf for the approximately 25 lime boats on the Yarra. Despite all this activity the output of the Victorian lime burners was not sufficient to meet the huge boom in the construction industry of the 1840s and particularly the 1850s. Overseas lime however was three times as expensive as the local product.

By 1858, McClellan (p.30) notes, half of the 47 state-registered lime kilns in Victoria were around Geelong and Mornington, with ‘the rest at Mt Franklin, Coimadai, Port Fairy, Portland, Sale and Hamilton’.

In 1860 a report on the lime resources of Victoria (Victorian History Pamphlets, Vol. 16, p. 18, cited by McClellan, p. 11) ‘a team of experts’ stated that ‘new sources of lime have recently opened up inland one at Mt Franklin and the other at Coimadai’.

Insights from Harrington (2000)

Harrington systematically lists the main lime production methods and kiln types. They are summarised, below, from the simplest to the most advanced. Particular attention is given to the method we might anticipate was used at the Limestone Creek site. Given the era, the position of the lime tufa deposit ‘on the flat’ and the possible stretched rectangular form of the kilns, as suggested on one of the early survey maps, the ‘pit burning’ method seems the most likely means of manufacture at the Limestone Creek kilns.

  1. Heap burning: burnt in a heap or pile of alternating layers of stone and wood on the ground
  2. Pit burning: as above but in a ground pit. Typical pits are around 2.75m X 2.5m, sometimes with a trench to provide a draft for the fire. Sometimes the edge of the pit is reinforced by flanking stone. Extended versions of the simple pit excavation, called ‘pye’ or ‘clamp’ kilns in Britain, were longitudinal pits (up to 20m long) with channels in the bottom. They had the advantage of being easier than shaft kilns to construct, and more expedient if the need was temporary and more efficient in terms of fuel consumption per load of lime. Kilns of this type from the 1840s in Scotland were referred to as ‘clamp or horseshoe’ kilns, in an online article, ‘Lime burning in clamp kilns in Scotland’s Western Central Belt: Primitive industry or simple but perfectly adequate technology.
  3. Intermittent kilns: either Flare kilns which involve burning lime over a grate or mixed-feed kilns.
  4. Continuous kilns.

The location map and list of lime kilns in Victoria in Harrington does not include the Mount Franklin site, thought it does show the Coimadai site and another at the 1870s Ebenezer Aboriginal Mission site near Dimboola. Maps from other sources as well as oral histories suggest that possible other lime kilns may have existed north of Limestone Creek in the Carisbrook, Talbot and Joyce’s Creek areas.

Who operated the lime kilns and lived in the Limestone vicinity from the 1850s?

Several early references in newspapers dating from the 1850s make mention of the locality ‘Limestone’, the Limestone Creek kiln site and the sale of lime from the Lime Kilns, on what is sometimes referred to as the Mount Franklin (Jim Crow or Mount Franklyn) site. Several of these articles during the 1850s make reference to ‘Brown’s lime kiln’ and to ‘C. Brown’ as the lime kiln owner or operator, but later (until 1877) the kilns was apparently owned by Mr Gilmour / Gilmore.

Christopher Brown was referred to in 1864 (Farmer’s Journal and Garden Chronicle, 1 July 1864, p. 8) as ‘… an old and respected inhabitant of the [Loddon District, Mount Franklin]’. Brown was at that time leaving the district, having ‘lived on the summit of the hill above the township reserve’ in ‘Kildare Lodge’.

This following information from primary sources is placed in chronological order.

  • Advertisement: 28 Dec 1855: ‘Lime: Fresh from the Mount Franklyn Lime Kilns, Jim Crow, and free from either sand, loam or other deleterious matter. The undersigned will have a constant supply of the above from this date. Price nine shillings per bag of three bushels for quantities over ten bushels’ [NOTE: 1 bushel approx. 25kg] (Mount Alexander Mail, p. 1).
  • 10 May 1858: ‘The telegraph party are at work to connect Jim Crow to the main lines, they have got as far as Brown’s lime kiln, near the Mount Franklyn’. (Mount Alexander Mail, 15 May, p. 3).
  • Advertisement 12 July 1858: ‘Roche Lime 8s per bag of three bushels or 6 pound per ton, Slaked [ditto]. 5 shillings [ditto]. Or 4 pounds per ton at the Mount Franklin Lime Kilns’ (more costs listed in delivered in Castlemaine)’. (Mount Alexander Mail, p. 4).
  • 9 May 1859: ‘Transfer licence of No. 3 and No. 4 allotments of the Mount Franklin Lime Stone Quarry’. Also ‘for sale’ advertisement: ‘The Quarry, known as the Upper Lime Stone, together with four substantial kilns, stone built shed, tools and tramway for conveyance of wood and stone and every other convenience for carrying on the extensive trade already established, apply to Newcombe and Laver Timber Merchants , Castlemaine or to C. Browne Esq. , Mount Franklin 599c’ (Mount Alexander Mail, p. 1).
  • 19 Aug 1859: ‘Mr Honey obtained a publican’s licence for the Lime Kiln Hotel on the Ballarat Road from Castlemaine. This house will, if well conducted, prove a boon to travellers between Castlemaine and Daylesford’. (Mount Alexander Mail, p. 4).
  • 9 Sept 1859: ‘John Honey, landlord of the Mount Franklin Lime Kiln Hotel.’ (Mount Alexander Mail, p. 2)
  • 27 June 1863: at a meeting of ratepayers of the parishes of Yandoit and Mount Franklin chaired by E. S. Parker Esq., J. P. ‘Mr Christopher Brown read the first resolution’. (Mount Alexander Mail)
  • 7 Dec 1874: A ‘terrible accident … on the road between Franklinford and The Lime Kilns’. Death of a boy aged 11, son of My James Gilmore ‘ … a famer residing near the Lime kiln’. (Mount Alexander Mail, p. 2).
  • 8 Dec 1877: Sale of the ‘property of Mr Gilmour of Limestone near Franklinford which consists of freehold lands with crops of wheat and oats, the limestone quarry, house, livestock farming implements, etc.’ (Mount Alexander Mail, p. 2).

In summary, the 1850s appear to have been a time of considerable activity in the Limestone area, including output from the lime kilns and the building of a hotel.

A separate ‘Clearing out sale notice’ (found on Trove) records that the sale was scheduled for 10 Dec 1877 as ‘Mr Gilmore of Limestone is leaving the district in consequence of ill health’. It included the whole farm, including ‘4 blocks of 1 acre each, known as the ‘Lime Kiln Lot’’. The improvements listed include ‘The Lime Kilns, Quarry etc’, noting that ‘its value [as a farm] is enhanced by the lime deposits and its never failing stream of water’.

 What is on the site in 2020?


An of the site in May 2020 confirms that whilst much of the higher-quality limestone has been mined, there are significant, scattered outcrops of poorer-quality lime tufa within the area mostly covered by spiny rush and blackberries. There are also broken and overgrown foundations of rock walls toward the north western edge of the site which were probably part of the original lime kilns. A boundary fence separates the depressed, quarried out area from the elevated grazing land to the north. Several small outcrops of solid grey limestone crop out in the paddock. The spiny rush (Juncus acutus) on the quarry site is indicative of waterlogged and saline ground conditions.

Stephen Carey made the following geological notes after a May 2020 site inspection.

The modern expression of the limestone deposit consists of the quarry, now overgrown with spiny rush and briars, and scattered outcrops in the adjacent paddock to the north. No exposures were observed in the paddock to the south. The quarry is very shallow, being  ̴1 m deep. In the quarry, limestone crops out in the walls on the northern and eastern sides, while elsewhere limestone is present as low mounds of spoil. In the northern paddock, small, low outcrops, generally <1 m across, occur across a broadly horizontal surface with numerous metre-scale depressions which stretches from the fence at the northern edge of the quarry about 60 m further north to a shallow grassy gully. At the head of the gully are the ruins of a small stone building.

The limestone is highly variable. The following descriptions are based on field examination only. The purest occurrence observed is an essentially two-dimensional exposure in the northern paddock halfway along the fence and 1.5 m into the paddock. It appears to be massive, except for common centimetre-scale pits on the surface, though the lack of vertical exposure makes this uncertain. It is a grey lime mudstone, according to the classification of Dunham (1962). Where vertical exposure is available, that is, in the quarry walls, as well as in some discarded blocks, a distinct to diffuse, centimetre-scale, horizontal stratification is present. Many of the quarry occurrences, including spoil, have a component of rounded terrigenous gravel, mostly small-pebble-sized. At the extreme, the rock is a terrigenous conglomerate cemented by lime micrite.


All of the above points to a poorly known geological deposit that is unusual for Central Victoria. It occurs together with the overgrown remains of several historic, very early Lime Kilns dating from the Aboriginal Protectorate era of the 1840s. The Lime Kilns were most likely established between 1842 and 1848, and initially operated to the likely benefit of Edward Parker. The Lime Kiln business operated by Brown and later Gilmour appears to have boomed during the early Gold Rush years. The site to the south in 2020 includes an abandoned mineral spring, associated bores and pumping infrastructure.

The lime kilns operated on a busy intersection under several owners or operators at least until the 1860s that at one stage included a small settlement and hotel. The formerly reasonably large but shallow, lenticular, lime tufa deposit on the Limestone Creek site was developed in situ from the surface expression of a calcium-rich mineral spring. Though the deposit has largely been mined out and the former quarry area is in 2020 overgrown with spiny rush, briars and blackberry, the remains of the several original lime kilns on the site are important historically and worthy of closer survey and formal recording.

The associated, formerly delightful mineral spring may have been destroyed by apparently botched boring and pumping associated with 1980s commercial groundwater extraction by commercial operators including the Coca Cola Company. The historic mineral spring previously called ‘Gilmours’ on the site, was renamed ‘Mount Franklin’ by the company just prior to its destruction, when pumping and water extraction ceased.

While the water associated with ‘Mount Franklin’ brand lives on under the ownership of Coca Cola Amatil and has become nationally iconic and incredibly profitable to the Coca Cola company, no water has been extracted from the original site for approximately 35 years. The ‘Mount Franklin’  mineral spring is no more and the area has  become an overgrown and forgotten eyesore on the side of the Midland Highway. There is no signage on the site.

No one would know that the registered, arguably vandalised and now abandoned natural mineral spring on the site is the one today originally associated with the ‘Mount Franklin’ water brand. There is some irony that the Mount Franklin water web site in 2020 stresses it wants to do ‘… the right thing for the Australian environment now and for future generations … While we celebrate our great land, we do our part to protect it to. … We’ll stay determined to keep finding ways to lighten our touch on the environment, to protect the land dearest to our hearts.’

In our opinion, there is a case here beyond our historical narrative and anticipated heritage survey of this unique and important historic site, for a long-term recovery and site management plan. The recovery plan might involve removal of weeds and replanting of the Limestone Creek-side precinct, removal of unused or unnecessary modern infrastructure, some sensitive on-site historical and geological interpretation of the spring, the lime tufa deposit and the Lime Kilns, and reinstatement of a publicly accessible, roadside mineral spring.

Given the ‘Mount Franklin’ commitment to do the right thing, such a plan might be developed with support from Coca Cola Amatil as the most recent commercial operator on the site, in consultation with the Dja Dja Wurrung traditional owners, current land owners, the Hepburn Shire, other local landholders and community stakeholders.

Loddon Protectorate Era Flour Mill

CB7CE30E-32ED-4468-9DB4-CBF7675F7620Loddon Aboriginal Protectorate-Era (1840s) flour mill on The Mill Stream south of Franklinford


One of the earliest water-powered flour mills in Victoria operated within the bounds of the Aboriginal Protectorate site south of Franklinford during the 1840s. This account seeks to consider previous and new evidence to establish where it was built, when and in what context. In doing so it seeks to distinguish between the Protectorate-era mill and a later, nearby flour mill from the Swiss Italian settler era of the 1860s. There is a case for this 1840s water-driven mill, perhaps one of the oldest in Victoria, subsequently being documented and recorded in the Victorian Heritage Register. I encourage anyone who reads this and has new evidence to support or refute my conclusions, to email me.

Other research underway on Victorian water powered flour mills

I note that Gary Vines has been actively researching all early water-powered flour mills in Victoria for a PhD at La Trobe University. Vines has been undertaking brief mill histories, mainly to try and track down where the millers came from. The main purpose of his research is looking at technology transfer in the mid 19th century. His hypothesis is that the nature of the technology introduced into Victoria was dependent in a large part to the particular background and knowledge of the individuals who came here.

It appears from Gary Vines’ research that a preponderance of Scottish settlers with experience of Lowland Manorial milling technology in Scotland influenced the form of early water mills in Victoria. In this context, the mills built by in the early 1840s by Hepburn and Joyce as well as the one on the Protectorate are a very important  but poorly known part of Victoria’s white pastoral heritage.

The Protectorate era mill elaborated below was not on Gary Vines’ data base before August 2020, but Hepburn and Joyce’s 1840s mills were. Some of Vines’ preliminary findings are accessible via Google Docs  Gary has posted brief paper of early mills on the River Plenty:

Previous  evidence

Edgar Morrison, in The Loddon Aborigines (1971, p.48) recollected that:

In the horse and buggy day … each Boxing Day a group of neighbours of all ages from Franklinford and Yandoit would congregate at the old Mill Spring about half way between Franklinford and Shepherd’s Flat [under] … the spreading willow trees that grew nearby. Near by a strong flow of crystal clear water issued from the hillside, forming a pool fringed with watercress. From thence, the water gurgled down the grassy slope before plunging into the Jim Crow Creek about 20 chains to the westward. … Since the earliest colonial days it has borne the name Mill Spring.

A generation ago the older citizens could remember carting wheat to an old Flour Mill, the wheel of which was operated by water from a race branching northward from the Mills Spring stream. … Fragments of the water-wheel are still discernible as well as a few crumbling walls of the mill itself. Yet before that structure was built, the spring had long borne its present name. … Gabriel Henderson (1854-1944) … attributed the name to the fact that ‘a small flour mill, operated by a water wheel was erected there by Mr Parker when he first came to the district’. An early survey map corroborates Mr Henderson’s statement. A position southward of the natural watercourse is defined as “Ruins of an old Mill”. At this time (1843-44) they used to grow wheat in what they called the Swamp Paddock – and ground it somewhere nearby. … One wonders what became of the two steel hand mills [Parker] had brought up from Melbourne in 1840. It is tempting to wonder whether the small flour mill erected on the Mill Spring race was in fact a combination of the old hand mills. …

New evidence

The new evidence, below, confirms much of what Morrison wrote. However, it appears that the ruins of a stone ground flour mill powered by water from the water race branching northward from the Mill Stream that Morrison refers to is different from and two decades later than what was likely a water driven, steel flour mill operated by Parker from a shorter race to the south of the Mill Stream.

On 28 November 1842 the Chief Protector of Aborigines, George Robinson visited the Aboriginal Protectorate on the slopes of Mount Franklin. Robinson wrote that he:

… visited the crater at the mount called Willum-parramul [‘place of the emu’], otherwise Jem Crow [Mount Franklin]. It is an ancient crater of large dimension. … Had a fine view. This morning visited the spring at the establishment a mile and a half distant. In the evening attended corrobery (sic.) of Malle condeets [literally ‘men of the mallee country’]. … At the conclusion both men and women singing together … After viewing … I went to the house. The Jajowrong had remained to a late hour.

This mention of Robinson’s visit to ‘the spring’ at the Protectorate and its approximate location approximately 1.5 miles from Parker’s 1842 house site suggests he had perhaps visited the spring on the Mill Stream rather than what is now known as ‘Thomas’ Spring’ on the flat near the current Franklinford Cemetery. On a visit five years later, Robinson mentions (in September 1847) that ‘the mill’ at the Protectorate station was out of order and that wheat being grown on the Protectorate was being sent instead to Hepburn’s mill (that operated from the 1840s on Birch’s Creek near Kingston).

In a December 1848 ‘Return of the number and condition of the buildings at the Loddon Aboriginal Station’ [Appendix 4 to Parker’s 1848 Annual Report: VPRS 4410(2)64, reproduced in Rhodes (1995)], the ‘Mill house, water wheel &c’ then comprised ”Partly sawn timber, partly slabs and bark’ and had been ‘Built last year [1847] – requires about 20 slabs to complete’,

John Hepburn’s mill is reasonably well documented. He had established his flour mill around 15 km to the west below present day Hepburn’s Lagoon near Kingston in 1841.

Gary Vines’ research reveals that the Smeaton district in East Lothian, Scotland, ‘ was an important centre during the Scottish Agricultural Revolution of the mid-eighteenth century, with numerous mills on the river Tyne, although these were associated with the cloth industry rather than corn milling. The Preston Mill was on the Smeaton estate, immediately opposite the famous engineer Robert Meikle’s Houston Mill. It is believed that Meikle maintained the Preston Mill at times. Meikle is also associated with John Smeaton. another famous mill engineer, so it is plausible that Hepburn named the station and subsequent town either for his Smeaton Estate in Scotland, or in connection with John Smeaton’.

Hepburn’s flour mill was still operating on 1 March 1860 when Captain Hepburn donated most of the prizes for the local Agricultural Society Show and allowed the use of the then three storey brick and stone mill for the occasion. Hepburn died five months later, on 7 Aug 1860. The mill declined and was abandoned during the 1860s and a new, much bigger mill (the current historic ‘Anderson’s Mill’) was built on Birches Creek at Smeaton by the Anderson brothers, using the same water source from Hepburn’s Lagoon via Birch’s Creek.

The new evidence available on the Protectorate suggests that by 1850 Assistant Protector Edward Parker or a contractor was operating the flour mill as a private business. Parker appears to have been doing similarly with a Lime Kiln, also established during the 1840s next to present day Limestone Creek, again within the footprint of the Aboriginal Protectorate.

Parker was questioned in 1853 about the financial and other arrangements in place on his Mount Franklin Aboriginal Station, established after the Aboriginal Protectorate was abolished in December 1849. There was concern by 1853 that an Aboriginal Reserve of 50 square miles was ‘disproportionately large’ given that the area had become ‘very rich gold country’. There were suggestions that some portions ‘which, with the greatest advantage to the public and the least injury to the aborigines might be surveyed for sale’. Parker’s responses (reported in Council Papers, The Argus, 14 June 1854, p.6) include mention that he had:

‘… also supplied the [Aboriginal] establishment with flour and occasionally meat at prices fixed by the Commissioner of Crown Lands, being at his request, calculated merely to cover the cost of production. In 1852 the price of flour and meat was 2d [2 pence] per lb [pound] for the whole year’.

These responses suggest that flour was still being produced by Parker from a flour mill on the Protectorate in 1852, and that it was being sold back to the government. Separately, the government arrangement with Parker was that he was responsible for all of the costs associated with the sheep on his large pastoral property, but was entitled to profit from the wool he produced.

‘Mill Ruins’ downstream of the ‘Old Mill Spring’ are marked downstream of a water course and ‘Spring’ on an undated early survey map published by Morrison in 1971, approximately halfway between Franklinford and Shepherd’s Flat. The map reproduced in Morrison (p.49) clearly shows the location of the mill ruins and what appears to be a short water race leading south off the creek (marked on 2020 maps as ‘Bendigo Creek’) approximately 150 metres before it enters Jim Crow Creek. All of these features are marked within Allotment 4 of Section 6.

The site is today located west of the Daylesford to Newstead Road approximately half way between Franklinford and Shepherds Flat. In 2020 the surrounding agricultural land along the former Mill Stream (today marked on Google map as ‘Bendigo Creek’) is reportedly owned by a land developer. Bendigo Creek runs west under the road before it enters Jim Crow Creek, passing through a series of pools and a watercourse overgrown by blackberries. There is an unoccupied farm house and farm buildings on a rise south of where the water begins to pool.

A former water race to the north of the creek that originally led to a separate water driven, stone ground flour mill operated from the 1860s by Minotti and others is still visible on satellite images and on the ground. The longer northern water race appears to commence somewhat higher up the creek than a previously short water race south leading to a former 1840s Protectorate era mill.

On the ground, there is nothing exposed on the former 1840s mill site to indicate exactly where the mill might have been, though much of the area near the stream including several stone walls is overgrown with blackberries. However, some early survey maps show a sizeable pond dammed upstream of the likely early flour mill site that may have later supplied water to a north flowing water race. In 2020 the sound of water running over a rock barrier hidden amongst the blackberries is suggestive that part of the dam wall that may have fed the 1840s mill may still be in place.

Several large eucalypts are the only obvious remnants of original native vegetation. Most of the wet areas along the creek and former stone fencing are overgrown with willow trees and particularly blackberries. Watercress and other waterweeds cover part of the pool surface. The watercourse and associated pools reportedly lie within a public water reserve that extends along most of the creek west of the road. The water reserve boundaries appear to be delineated by broken down stone and wire fences. As a consequence, grazing stock (in 2020 including several horses) have ready access to the spring, pools and the creek banks. If this is a public reserve it appears that the adjacent landholder may possess or informally exert grazing rights over the area.

Eric Sartori (pers. comm., 31 May 2020) suggests that ‘Parker’s Mill was 10 chain down the flow, long before Pozzi  and Minotti  in 1865’. Sartori suggests, as evidence, the mention a former water powered flour mill in a letter penned by William Bumstead in the Mount Alexander Mail (8 April, 1859, p.5), which refers to a ‘Sale of Land at Franklinford’. William Bumstead then operated the store, post office and bakery in Franklinford in 1859 and was married to Charlotte Woolmer, a sister to Edward Parker’s first wife.

Bumstead’s 1859 letter expressed concern about the way gold mining, particularly the construction of water races, was adversely affecting the public interest. Bumstead was particularly concerned about the way miners had ‘… cut a race to bring them water from Allotment 4 of Sect. 6, through Allotment 3 of Sect. 6 to their claims a distance of near 2 miles, a great part of which is through solid rock.’

Bumstead proceeded to protest that:

Allotment 4 of Sect. 6 is one of the finest springs in the colony and ought not to be sold but to be preserved in perpetuity, for ever, for the public good. Think, Sir, for yourself, of a spring rising to the surface, running ten chains only, and then to drive a mill as this one has done, from whence it is named Mill Ruins Spring on Fraser’s survey, Parish of Franklin, County of Talbot.

The water-driven, stone ground flour mill known locally as Minotti’s Mill is approximately 400 metres NNW of the earlier Protectorate era mill site, powered from the same water source but coming north off the Old Mill Stream. David Bannear recorded and mapped ‘Minotti’s Flour Mill’ as a significant site associated with Swiss-Italian immigration for Heritage Victoria. The water wheel pit with remnants of the stone wheel and water race and associated buildings were recorded in some detail on allotments ‘PT21, 21A and PT58’ in 1998.

Bannear (1998) noted that this later mill was operated by Battista Monotti. The water was conveyed along a race to drive a 16 foot diameter waterwheel. Minotti operated the mill and perhaps the adjoining farm and gold mine with Guiseppi Pozzi. Bannear cites as historical information sources L. & P. Jones’ Flour Mills of Victoria: 1840-1890 and the  Ballarat Courier (10 Oct 1868, p.21).

What flour milling technology might have been employed here during the 1840s?

One of the items of agricultural equipment procured by Edward Parker for use at the original Aboriginal Protectorate site located on the Loddon River at Neereman (6km north of Baringhup_ in late 1840 was a ‘Steel Mill’. Presumably this would have been a hand operated, steel flour mill. The History of Agriculture in South Australia website notes that the earliest wheat grown in South Australia was hand ground with such steel mills.

The first flour stone ground flour mill in South Australia was opened in 1840.

These early mills used stone rollers (mill-stones), imported mainly from France, with a barrel type sieving which only sieved off the bran. Steam power was mainly used, but there were some wind powered and water powered mills constructed with an isolated horse powered or bullock powered plant.

The upper and lower millstones were typically made of a siliceous rock called ‘burrstone’, an open textured porous but tough, fine grained sandstone, or a silicified fossiliferous limestone

Those used in Britain during the second half of the 1800s were usually either:

  • Derbyshire Peak Stones of grey Millstone grit, used for grinding barley, or more often,
  • French buhrstones [or burr stones], used for finer grinding, not cut from one piece, but built up from sections of rock cemented together, backed with plaster and bound with shrink-fit iron bands.

Several Millstones are mentioned amongst ship cargo coming into Australian ports during the 1840s. On 14 June 1841 (p.2) the Port Philip Patriot reported the arrival from Leith of ‘29 burr stones and one mill stone.’ On 1 Sept 1842, 28 burr stones were exported from Melbourne to Hobart amongst  a cargo of sheep and flour on the schooner Truganini.

On 26 April 1841 the Port Philip Patriot reported that a very fine specimen of burr stone had been procured from Port Phillip, but that hitherto most burr stones had been procured from France. By 1844 the Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (4 May 1844, p.4)  again reported that rock had been found near Melbourne that might suffice as a millstone:

BHURR STONE. This stone so valuable in the construction of millstone has been found in the neighbourhood of Melbourne. In texture and geological relations it is said to resemble the costly bhurr stone of France, for which, within the island of Great Britain, a magnificent reward was once offered by parliament.

During the late 1830s it appears that flour imported into Port Phillip came from mills in Tasmania or Sydney which were water or steam driven. On 29 Dec 1841 the Port Phillip Gazette noted that  ‘a flour mill worked by water is in the course of construction at Coulstock’s station on the Plenty [River]’.

The best known early flour mill site in Melbourne was originally operated by John Dight of Campbell Town. He acquired portion 88, Parish of Jika Jika, County of Bourke, on 7 November 1838 on the Yarra River near Dight’s Falls. Over the next few years, he constructed a brick mill on the site and began the production of flour. In November 1843, ownership of the land passed to John Dight and his brother Charles Hilton Dight. In 1864, flour milling was abandoned and the mill was leased to Thomas Kenny. In the mid 1870s, the site was used by the Patent Safety Blasting Powder Co. The Dight family sold the mill site to Edwin Trennery in 1878 and he subsequently subdivided the land. The original mill on the river bank remained unoccupied until 1888, when flour millers Gillespie, Aitken and Scott, operating under the name of ‘Yarra Falls Roller Flour Mills’ constructed a new flour mill and associated buildings on the site.

There is a detailed account in A homestead history (pp.60-62) based on the letters of ‘Alfred Joyce of Plaistow and Norwood, 1843-64’ of  a flour mill constructed by Alfred Joyce, a self-declared expert in ‘millwrighting and engineering’. Indeed Joyce completed a four year apprenticeship as a mechanical engineer and millwright. His apprenticeship indenture papers are dated 25 March 1837 (Joyce’s 16th birthday).

Alfred Joyce, whose homestead was on present day Joyces Creek, claimed in his letters that John Hepburn’s Smeaton Hill station was named ‘after the celebrated hydraulic engineer whom he greatly admired’, and that John Hepburn’s water-powered mill was powered with a ‘pair of real burr stones’ (p.60). John Smeaton (1824-92) was an English civil engineer responsible for the design of bridges, canal, harbours and lighthouses, who also pioneered the use of hydraulic lime in concrete. He also credited by some for inventing the cast-iron axle shaft for water wheels. However Hepburn’s reference to Smeaton is more likely about his birthplace by that name in Scotland.

Alfred Joyce moved to Plaistow in May 1844, setting up his run on Joyces Creek. Joyce  noted that ‘turning the mill by hand was by no means a pleasant contemplation, but we had to go through it for a while until some mechanical contrivance was constructed’ (p.60). Joyce first attempted a wind-driven mill at Plaistow using ‘sails about nine feet across and fixed on the spindle of a small steel mill, fastened to a post that could be turned to the wind as required’. This contrivance worked well early on but ‘the uncertainty of the wind and its occasional violence’ led him to set up an undershot waterwheel on account of ‘little fall’. It was attached to two steel mills.

Given the likely short fall via a short southerly water race off the Mill Stream to the Protectorate mill site, the set up as described in detail by Joyce (summarised below) of a steel mill attached to an undershot waterwheel is the most likely one to have operated on the Mill Stream during the 1840s.

  • Two very strong posts sunk in the ground four to five feet on either side of the water races, firmly rammed round with stones
  • The shaft of the wheel made from dressed log 8 or 9 inches [approx. 20cm] through.
  • The journals of the shaft comprising the well-rounded edges of the log reduced to about six inches [15cm] and running in corresponding dry wood bearings, these moving up or down in a long slot as the water rose or fell and supported on iron bolts passed through the posts.
  • The lubricating material a mixture of tar or grease.
  • A stout chain and grooved pulleys used to connect the power with the work as no other material would have stood the splash of the wheel.

Joyce’s neighbour Mr Bucknall (on Rodborough Vale run) first copied the wind mill and later set up an overshot water wheel in a copious spring coming out of the banks of the elevated plains’, also attached to two steel mills.

Given that Hepburn (from 1841), Joyce  and Bucknall (from 1844) regularly passed through the Aboriginal Protectorate at Mount Franklin and sometimes stopped there on the way to and from Melbourne, and were on good terms with Edward Parker and family, it is likely that their expertise, experience and advice in flour milling might have been useful to those operating the Protectorate era mill. In the 31 Aug 1841 Protectorate report Parker noted that ‘about 35 acres of land have been enclosed and 13 acres prepared for cultivation, and five acres sown with wheat’.

As a postscript, once gold was discovered the need for flour milling increased exponentially. The foundation stone for a steam driven flour mill (Victoria Steam Mill) in Castlemaine was laid in December 1856. Many water-driven flour mills were also established across the goldfields towards the Great Dividing Range from the 1850s, wherever water was available to drive then.

Peaks, Wetlands and Rivers: 2020 Tour Notes

‘Peaks, Wetlands & Rivers’

Hepburn Shire Reconciliation Week

Tour Notes, 2020

Barry Golding,

Detail of the massive and ancient strap grafted river red gum tree on Merin Merin Swamp

The tour is a Reconciliation Week initiative of Hepburn Shire Council. 

  • Hepburn Shire Reconciliation Action Plan Advisory Committee (RAP AC)
  • Donna Spiller, Arts Culture & Reconciliation Officer Hepburn Shire
  • Uncle Ricky Nelson – Dja Dja Wurrung Elder
  • Barry Golding – RAP AC
  • Inga Hamilton, Community Development Officer, Hepburn Shire
  • Peter O’Mara – RAP AC

Why a virtual tour in 2020?

We originally planned to run ‘Peaks, Rivers & Wetlands’ as another ‘on Country’ bus tour during National Reconciliation Week 2002, 27 May to 3 June.

We conducted several days of planning in the field to make the experience of being on Country special. We deliberately chose three sites that participants and other members of the public would be able to later, independently access, enjoy and explore:

  • Mount Greenock Geological Reserve, at Dunach
  • Merin Merin Swamp, at Eglinton north of Clunes
  • Hamilton’s Crossing at Neereman, north of Baringhup

Due to the COVID-19 pandemic we were forced to come up with a Plan B at very short notice. Our filming and recording had to be undertaken with great care for the safety of those involved, with low technology, low cost and limited time frames.

Sincere thanks

Our sincere thanks to the RAP AC members and others listed above. A note of gratitude to Inga Hamilton, our filmmaker/editor for skilfully and generously collating  what we were able to film on-site and overlay with studio recordings.  We are grateful to Donna Spiller and Inga for the huge amount of work ‘behind the scenes’ to film, edit and get the three You Tube programs and ‘Welcome to Country’ to completion.

Barry Golding penned these notes to share with anyone who views the programs and is interested in knowing more or physically visiting the sites.

These notes have been made accessible for download as a blog on Barry Golding’s website via shortlink

Reconciliation Week Virtual Tour Overview

Presented by Hepburn Shire Council in partnership with Jaara Elder, Uncle Ricky Nelson and Professor Barry Golding AM. Truth telling and reconciling our shared history at contact in the three-part series ‘Peaks, Rivers and Wetlands’.

Time travel back 180 years to three seldom visited environments and events from the early contact period that marked the beginning of unimaginable loss and trauma for Dja Dja Wurrung people. Join Jaara Elder, Uncle Ricky Nelson and Professor Barry Golding as they stand together on the top of the iconic volcanic slopes of Mount Greenock. Explore the tranquil Merin Merin Wetland where kangaroos still graze and visit the deep pools on the Loddon River at Neereman, where traditional owners once camped and fished for Murray Cod.

Welcome to Country – Feel the spirit of Country as Uncle Rick Nelson welcomes you on to Dja Dja Wurrung lands, to commence your Tour of ‘Peaks, Wetlands and Rivers’.

‘Peaks, Wetlands and Rivers’ = PART ONE Mount Greenock  –

‘Peaks, Wetlands and Rivers’  – PART TWO Merin Merin  –

‘Peaks, Wetlands and Rivers’ PART THREE – Loddon River at Neereman –

About National Reconciliation Week – 2020

Theme (appropriately) ‘In This Together’

Reconciliation is a journey for all Australians – as individuals, families, communities, organisations and importantly as a nation. At the heart of this journey are relationships between the broader Australian community and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

We strive towards a more just, equitable nation by championing unity and mutual respect as we come together and connect with one another.

On this journey, Australians are all ‘In This Together’.  Every one of us has an essential role to play when it comes to reconciliation as we collectively build relationships and communities that value Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, histories and cultures.

When we come together to build mutual respect and understanding, we shape a better future for all Australians.

This year Reconciliation Australia marks 20 years of operations in shaping Australia’s journey towards a more just, equitable and reconciled nation. Much has happened since the early days of the people’s movement for reconciliation, including greater acknowledgement of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander rights to land and sea; understanding of the impact of government policies and frontier conflicts; and an embracing of stories of Indigenous resilience, success and contribution.

2020 also marks the twentieth anniversary of the reconciliation walks of 2000, when people came together to walk on bridges and roads across the nation and show their support for a more reconciled Australia. As always, we stand on the shoulders of those who came before us, and Australians now benefit from the efforts and contributions of people committed to reconciliation in the past. Today we work together to further that national journey towards a fully reconciled country.

Throughout this time, we have also learnt how to reset relationships based on respect. While much has been achieved, there is still more work to be done and this year is the ideal anniversary to reflect on how far we have come while setting new directions for the future.

What is National Reconciliation Week?

  • National Reconciliation Week (NRW) is a time for all Australians to learn about our shared histories, cultures, and achievements, and to explore how each of us can contribute to achieving reconciliation in Australia.
  • The dates for NRW remain the same each year; 27 May to 3 June. These dates commemorate two significant milestones in the reconciliation journey— the successful 1967 referendum, and the High Court Mabo decision respectively.
  • Reconciliation must live in the hearts, minds and actions of all Australians as we move forward, creating a nation strengthened by respectful relationships between the wider Australian community, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

The three sites in brief

The three sites featured in the virtual tour programs include public land that enables you to safely and sensitively access them, as below. All sites are reasonably distant from towns and none have services such as water or toilets.

Please note our safety cautions. Some notes are added, below, to help you find the sites, plan and enjoy your visit. All sites would be ideal on any mild, sunny day (not Total Fire Ban). If you visit Neereman or Merin Merin, note that both are water ecosystems and are therefore more likely to be home to snakes in season.

We include detailed access information for each site, as Google Map-type applications won’t necessarily recognise the sites and might lead you down some  rough ‘goat tracks’.

The Mount Greenock and Merin Merin sites are around 50km from Daylesford (via Clunes) but only around ten minutes driving distance apart. If you have the time and interest, visiting both these sites while in the same area would make sense.

Hamilton’s Crossing at Neereman is around 40km north-east of the other sites (via Carisbrook) on the Loddon River (and approximately 60km north of Daylesford via Baringhup), but is well worth visiting separately for its beauty, giant river red gums and riverine habitat quite apart from its Aboriginal Protectorate association.

  • Mount Greenock summit involves a steep and rocky walk up an exposed, windswept, treeless mountain flank, but with superb views.
  • Merin Merin is an expansive shallow swamp ringed by regenerating tree and shrub vegetation and some ancient remnant trees.
  • The former Neereman Aboriginal Protectorate is located on a very beautiful section of the Loddon River. It is a great place to appreciate nature and to swim in summer.

Mount Greenock

Monument to Major Mitchell on the summit of Mount Greenock, erected in 1936.

Mount Greenock is (today) an almost bald and reasonably steep, rocky former volcanic cone. The views from the flanks of the mountain and from the top and on a good day, are superb. Anticipate a windy (sometime cold) site and a steep, strenuous, rocky walk up to the memorial cairn towards the summit without well-defined tracks. Dress accordingly and wear strong shoes with a good grip. A grazing licence currently allows cows to graze on what is classified as a ‘Geological Reserve’.


Mount Greenock Geological Reserve is actually on a large, approximately rectangular block of public land that includes the mountain and its crater partly bounded by several roads: see outline in red, below.

Red outline map of theMount Greenock Reserve: the recommended access road is to the south west. The former road easement to the summit from the west is not obvious on the ground today.

However, the only recommended safe access to the mountain is via the Union Mine site just off the Ballarat to Maryborough Road.

  • If coming from the south, you will travel via Clunes. If coming from the north you will travel via Talbot.
  • There is a Parks Victoria sign on the east (right) side of the road approximately 12 km north of Clunes (or around 6km south of Talbot) that says, ‘Union Mine & Mount Greenock Geological Reserve’.
  • A short track off the road near the sign leads to a gate. Open the gate and drive in (close the gate behind you).
  • Drive approx. 200 metres along a gravel track and park under the young gum trees near where there is a Major Mitchell display (with quartz gravel heaps from the former Deep Lead mine site alongside) and Mount Greenock right in front of you.

When you arrive, you will likely ask yourself, “Am I actually allowed in? The short answer is, “Yes. It is a public reserve.” However please avoid the grazing stock (and cow pats), leave nothing behind and take only your memories of the incredible vistas away.

The walk to the summit and the Major Mitchell cairn

If the access gate is locked you will see a wooden stile up the slope to help you cross a barbed wire fence onto the huge paddock that includes the mountain (and usually the grazing cows). Keep to the right around the rocky ridge immediately in front of you, and then pick a cow track (or any route that best suits you) to head up the steep, rocky slope towards the summit. To avoid the steepest climb, we suggest you keep to the slightly gentler slope towards the left. Once onto the broad crater rim, head for the big stone Major Mitchell cairn (a smaller rocky cairn is on the furthest edge of the crater). Wander and enjoy the 360-degree views!

Take care walking back down the slope to avoid slipping. Pick your way down the gentler slopes back to your car. Take care driving out onto the busy main road and shut the gate behind you.

Like us, you will probably ask yourself whether cattle grazing is an appropriate use of a publicly owned, iconic mountain in 2020. Maybe if more people knew about Mount Greenock something might be done in the future to remove grazing, sensitively revegetate the landscape, make its steep slopes less prone to erosion and make it more accessible for people to visit and enjoy. This might include interpretation other than about Major Mitchell that includes its important Dja Dja Wurrung connections.

For those that are interested in nature

From the broad summit on a good day you can see a vast swathe of country. The areas that are volcanic grassland now were largely grassland or open woodland in 1836. The main grass on the slopes would have been kangaroo grass and there were lots of silver banksia and buloke in the slopes of the mountain and volcanic grasslands. The areas of native forest now were largely forest in 1836. There are virtually no trees and only a few hardy native species on Mount Greenock, including the thorny Tree Violet bush (Melicytus dentatus) which clings on in rocky clefts despite the grazing.

You will see a broad volcanic crater breached towards the north east. The rocks are mostly scoria and vesicular lava (with gas bubbles). Some rocks are so full off gas bubbles they will float on water. The original ‘ropy lava’ flow structures are still evident in many of the rocks at the surface.

For those who are interested in post-contact history

 The deep lead (Union) gold mine where your car is parked tapped into the gold bearing volcanic gravels that run right under the mountain (the Mount Greenock Deep Lead). The water worn quartz gravels were piled up as refuse as the finer gold bearing material was processed. From the summit you will see white spoil heaps of former mines on the same deep lead heading south towards the Great Dividing Range.

The following is a brief post contact history summarised from the file on the mountain still in the Epsom (Bendigo} Crown files office.

  • The mountain and surrounding area would have been part of the Dunach Forest pastoral run during the 1840s.
  • On 9 Nov 1863 the Lands and Survey Office decreed that the area to be added to the Talbot’s United Town and Goldfield Common.
  • Gold mining during the late 1800s followed the Mount Greenock Deep Lead right under the mountain, extending several kilometres north and south. The white peaks on the south side of the Mount Greenock (below)are where shafts pierced the flanks of the mountain.

Signs of former gold mining on the south flank of Mount Greenock

  • By July 1894 it had been decreed that 360 acres be withheld from leasing and licensing.
  • The Major Mitchell monument was erected with huge fanfare and re-enactment in 1936 to celebrate the ‘Centenary of Discovery’.
  • On 17 March 1992 the mountain and 138 ha around it was declared as reserve, specifically for conservation of an area of scientific (geological) interest, consistent with the Land Conservation Council 1981 decision to zone it N1 ‘Geological Reserve’.
  • By 1997, the main use pf the reserve was for grazing, at which time it was described as ‘very rocky, steep country’.
  • A 2004 map shows Mount Greenock’s old geodetic trig (survey) point and rock cairn to north, and the Major Mitchell Monument to the south.
  • A 2006 Survey Report wrongly concluded that ‘There is no evidence of previous Aboriginal occupation’ on the Reserve.
  • There is an easement for an unused and unmade road from nearby Mitchell Road to the monument. Mitchell’s Road was not named after Major Mitchell, but after William Mitchell whose name is on a 40-acre original title to the NW of the reserve.

Merin Merin Swamp


Merin Merin Swamp is a hidden wetland gem now in public ownership around 10km north of Clunes ‘as the crow flies’, but we strongly suggest you follow the all-weather access directions, as below. Being a Game Reserve, you will definitely not take your dog.


The recommended all weather access (including some gravel) into and out of the site is as follows (NOTE: other tracks in, including via the Mount Cameron Road are prone to be boggy or rocky and require high vehicle clearance). Drive slowly and safely on the gravel roads. Again, respect all protected wildlife on the site, leave nothing behind and take only your memories away. Take clothing appropriate to the forecast weather, necessary water and food. Don’t walk on a day of Total Fire Ban.

  • From Clunes, take the Ballarat-Maryborough Road, C287 north towards Talbot.
  • At the locality of Dunach, take the right fork along C288 (the Dunach-Eddington Road) towards Carisbrook.
  • After around 500 metres, turn right onto Fells Gully Road.
  • After around 500 metres, turn left along Wattle Gully Road. This gravel road takes you up to the elevated wetland along the remarkable margin between the rich volcanic plains of nearby Mount Glasgow, and the adjacent native forest growing on the much poorer soils developed on much older shales and slates.
  • Follow Wattle Gully Road for 4.4km until the intersection where you see the ‘Merin Merin Swamp’ sign (where Weathersons Road turns right).
  • Park safely off the road near this intersection and walk onto the reserve via an opening in the fence at the corner near the sign. Where you enter is on the NW corner of the Reserve [NOTE: Return the same way you came in].

The Reserve is an approximate rectangle bounded on most sides by minor roads [Please note that two blocks of land (fenced in) to the south west of the swamp are on private land]. The Reserve is bounded by Wattle Gully Rd to the north, part of Weathersons Road to the west and Middle Swamp Road to the south.

The strap grafted tree in the program might take some finding, but it’s within easy walking distance in from where we suggest you park your car: around 200 metres east of Weathersons Road and 100 metres south of Wattle Gully Road.

The wetland area is prone to be inundated in winter and spring, so wear shoes that anticipate water and mud, and long pants that anticipate snakes. It’s reasonably firm and very enjoyable walking around the shore of the swamp lined by regenerating red gums. Total distance is approximately 5km right around the edge.

For those who are interested in nature

Merin Merin Swamp together with Middle Swamp nearby, receive water via localised runoff from surrounding volcanic scoria cones and plains. Both swamps are locally important due to their high wildlife value. Previous land use had been timber harvesting during the gold rush era and beyond and grazing until the grazing licence was removed in the early 1990s and the area was properly fenced. The area is now a State Game Reserve managed by Parks Victoria. Recent extensive planting of local native species on the margins of the reserve has begun to enhance natural regeneration.

This shallow freshwater marsh contains a combination of Woodland dominated by Eucalyptus camaldulensis (Red Gum) and Open-Sedgeland dominated by Juncus (rushes), Carex (sedges), and Eleocharis (spike rushes). The swamp contains high habitat values due to the mixed age classes of Red Gums present and connection to the west with State forest. There is a very high proportion of introduced species, particularly Phalaris (Canary Grass). This is due to the swamp’s long grazing history.

For those who are interested in post-contact history

There was extensive mining in the region from the 1860s (though not close to the Merin Merin Reserve) and most original red gums were cut to supply the huge amount of firewood and timber the mines and miners consumed. The red gums were more recently used as fence posts and firewood until the area was made a reserve in 1977. Sheep grazing was phased out and ended in 1980. The area was severely burnt in the 1885 bushfires.

A 1987 Ballarat College of Advanced Education Draft Management Plan noted that an Aboriginal ‘canoe tree’ remained in the middle of the swamp, and a midden (oven mound) site and shield tree were also present on the reserve. There are other oven mounds on private land west of the reserve.

In 1989, 20 allotments totalling 202 ha were bought back by the state government at total cost of $110,800, a process that commenced in the 1976 on the basis that the area was of considerable value to wildlife, both for local and resident birds and also for migratory and nomadic species. The map below shows which blocks were bought back in 1989.

Merin Merin map. The purple shaded allotments were bought back by the government in 1989. The green area has not been alienated and is mostly wetland. Your car will be parked on the intersection just off the NW corner of this map. You will see the two privately owned blocks to the south west of the swamp.

Whilst in 2020 there are still two parcels of private land allotments towards the south west of the reserve, the original Parish Plan had 21 other parcels of private and of up to 50 acres that are now part of the 2020 reserve as well as three now closed roads.

In 2008 the area secured a Permanent Reservation of 324 ha for management of wildlife and preservation of wildlife habitat.

The current Game Reserve area was Zoned C5 as part of the Land Conservation Council zoning process along with Middle Swamp as a ‘a valuable part of a chain of swamps used by waterfowl’. Planting of native tree and shrub species in recent years has greatly improved the prospect of this being reinstated as an important wetland habitat on the elevated volcanic plains.

Neereman Aboriginal Protectorate

The images of the Loddon River at Neereman in the film show very old river red gums and long, deep pools at two sites. The site along the Loddon just upstream of the Hamilton’s Crossing streamside reserve, where the Uncle Ricky does the Welcome to Country under the huge strap grafted red gum (detail below) is beautiful. It is highly accessible and the one we provide access details for, below.

Detail of the massive strap grafted river red gum tree in the ‘Welcome to Country’. It’s on the north side of Loddon River about 250 metres upstream (east) from Hamilton’s Crossing.

Hamilton’s Crossing is well within the original Protectorate site, and regularly used by locals and visitors. The site is also an excellent and very amenable  place to swim, fish or bush camp.

Please NOTE: The centre of original 1840-1 Aboriginal Protectorate site that briefly included a ‘cultivation paddock’ is a few kilometers upstream of Hamiltons Crossing. It is only accessible through private property which we obtained for some of the Neereman filming. It should not be accessed for a range of good reasons: to do with its cultural and ecological importance, the currently fragile and erodible state of its steep cliffs and remnant vegetation, as well as its private status and the need to ensure the safety of its stock and crops.


 In summary, you are looking for ‘Hamiltons Crossing’, (not marked on many maps), right where the Baringhup West – Eastville Road (which you will find) crosses the Loddon River around 8km NW of Baringhup.

Make you way to Baringhup via either Newstead or Maldon. It’s a very spread out small town. From the Baringhup general store at ‘Loddon House’ (the only place for local supplies), head west along Baringhup Road towards Carisbrook, but turn hard right onto Baringhup West Road. There is a right turn after a few kilometers onto Baringhup West – Eastville Road which leads you to the (signposted) Hamiltons Crossing Crown Reserve where you will cross the ford over the Loddon River.

Park on the far (north) side of the Loddon River, and east (to the right) of the road. The river up or downstream is delightful and OK to explore as long as you don’t go through fences. The Loddon runs much of summer here and the gravel banks and pools make great places to picnic or swim.

The huge multi-stemmed, strap grafted river red gum tree featured in Uncle Ricky’s ‘Welcome to Country’ is upstream just a few hundred metres on the same side that your car is parked.

For those who are interested in post contact history

The centre of the former 1840-1 Neereman Aboriginal Protectorate (nominally 5 miles in diameter) is a few kilometres upstream of Hamilton’s Crossing on private land on long, deep pools in the Loddon River. The banks close to the waterline south of this wide and deep section of the river are lined with huge red gums. On the upper banks are a few remnant buloke trees. The flat and sandy area north of the river, where the ‘former cultivation paddock’ was marked in an 1856 survey, is still known as ‘Parkers Plains’ by some local old timers and has recently been irrigated by several huge centre pivot irrigators.

The river banks show no sign of the many wood and bark huts that were constructed for up to 200 Aboriginal people, Protectorate staff and families during the eight months that the Protectorate operated. Edward Parker’s son, Joseph Parker, writing in the Mount Alexander Mail in June 1916, recollected that in January 1840 his family had moved to  ‘the large waterhole’ on the Loddon at Neura Mong,  that he understood to be ‘the Aboriginal word for ‘hide here’ which also ‘proved to be the home of codfish’ (the Murray Cod).

Barry Golding recently found an entry to the word Neereman, spelt the same way, in an Aboriginal dictionary list from Coranderrk from 1909. Coranderrk was a government Aboriginal mission that operated in the post Aboriginal Protectorate era from 1863 and 1924, and to which several Dja Dja Wurrung people were forcibly taken from the Mount Franklin Aboriginal Station in the 1860s.  The entry read: ‘Neereman (high bank; bend in river), Coranderrk, Vic.’

Historical Post script to Neereman

Barry Golding has recently transcribed much of the original hand written Aboriginal Protectorate correspondence relating to the selection, management and abandonment of the Neereman site. Some of it was graphically written by Assistant Protector Edward Parker on site. What follows is a summary based on original records. It seeks to explain why the Neereman site failed, and why it was moved to the better known site near Mount Franklin. As a warning, it’s not a pretty story.

1840 was an unusually (El Nino) dry year. The English seeds and potatoes planted in the cultivation paddock on the Neereman site wilted and failed in the sandy soil and harsh summer of 1840. The Protectorate Overseer, Richard Bazeley quickly determined that  the Neereman site was totally unsuitable for cultivation. The food that had been brought up from Melbourne by cart was running out and Aboriginal people were starving and leaving.

The  Dja Dja Wurrung people from many Clans to the north had been encouraged  or forced to come to the site for their relative safety, but were  forced back onto Country to find food.  However they were also violently forced off the squatting runs, that by the  late 1840 had total encircled the Neereman site. Grazing stock were eating out their staple grassland food, the Myrniong or Yam Daisy. Aboriginal people were also hunted down, arrested or killed if they interfered with the squatter’s sheep and cattle.

The Protectorate was only five miles in radius and unfenced from stock. There was much conflict over access to land, traditional food and water. Many Aboriginal people (and some squatters and their ex-convict shepherds) died in the surrounding area in the violence and murder that followed.

It was difficult or impossible for people from neighbouring Aboriginal Nations, some of whom were at enmity with the Dja Dja Wurrung Nation, to live peaceably and  in such close contact on the Neereman site in the  Christian harmony envisaged by Parker.

Many deadly introduced diseases were rife amongst the Aboriginal people of all ages living on or visiting the site by early 1841. A medical officer sent from Melbourne to inspect the Neereman site found syphilis was widespread and deadly amongst the women, spread mainly through regular contact between Aboriginal women and the squatter’s employees.

Meantime Overseer Bazeley scouted around for a suitable alternative Protectorate site where the soil and rainfall were better,  and where there was  less deadly interaction with the surrounding squatters.

Meantime the deep pools in the Loddon River at Neereman were fished for their huge  Murray Cod and Maquarie Perch, which were dried and loaded onto a waggon. Carts were dispatched to Melbourne to try and obtain desperately needed flour, rice and sugar for the people who were starving.

The Aboriginal Protectorate at Neereman was finally moved from the Neereman site (despite further vehement opposition from the squatters) to a new site deemed more suitable on the flanks the of the Larnebarramul (Mount Franklin) volcanic crater in mid 1841.  The Aboriginal Protectorate with Edward Parker in charge struggled on the new site  for many of the same reasons.

The perceived  advantages of the Mount Franklin cite (centred on present day Franklinford) included  better soil and rainfall than at Neereman. It was also closer to Melbourne and had more thick forest on many of its margins, insulating it to some extent from the surrounding squatters, whose preference was for the former Aboriginal grasslands on the rich volcanic plains.

The Protectorate System was in tatters and politically unpopular with the squatters in the Port Phillip Colony by the late 1840s, and was abandoned in late 1849.

Edward Parker gave evidence to an official inquiry about the condition of Aborigines held some decades later. it also investigated why the Protectorate system failed. In Parker’s, opinion, the system failed mainly because he was not given enough support from the government  to properly implement the Christian side of his civilising mission.

Brief personal reflection by Barry Golding

Anyone who has just read the disturbing post script, above, and who is concerned about First Nations reconciliation in Australia in 2020, will likely have many unanswered questions in their heads. We all need  to keep asking and answering these questions,  in collaboration with the local traditional owners, the Dja Dja Wurrung people and their descendants, for many years to come.

As a non-Aboriginal person living on Dja Dja Wurrung Country for most on my 70 years, I acknowledge the Traditional Owners of this land, past and present, and pay my respects to their Elders and ancestors, past, present and emerging.

I acknowledge the generosity, knowledge and wisdom of Dja Dja Wurrung Elder, Uncle Ricky Nelson. Working with Uncle Ricky on Reconciliation initiatives with the Hepburn Shire over the past few years has been a great joy and inspiration. I am delighted that two of the film clips are dedicated to Uncle Ricky’s  late and great father.

In writing and reflecting on all this, I (Barry Golding) pose just one  unanswered question,.

Why has the Neereman site and what happened here effectively been lost or forgotten in the ensuing 180 years?